Joan Planella Rodríguez, La niña obrera,
Oleo sobre lienzo, 1885

Conference Calendar

June, 16 - 19, 2026 - UniversitaT de Barcelona

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08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 207

5. Labour and Coercion

Embodied Labour Coercion, Care, and Control in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods

Chair: Schröder-Stapper, Teresa

teresa.schroeder.stapper@gmail.com

University of Düsseldorf

The body is a central category in labour history – as a “tool” and site of production, a target of discipline, a marker of social categorization, a carrier of prices, an agent of resistance, and a locus of knowledge, experience, and emotion. By foregrounding the physical, social, symbolic, and historical dimensions of the body, the panel explores how labour and embodied experiences of coercion were structured, represented, and contested in medieval and early modern societies.
Focusing on specific labour activities and labour market dynamics, the panel explores how working bodies were shaped by and negotiated within broader economic systems (family or household/plantation/ransom economies), employer logics of control and efficiency, and epistemologies of reproduction. By bringing these aspects together, the panel offers a cross-analysis of how labour exploitation and bodily violence intersected with multiple dimensions of reproduction: the reproduction of social order (Lehner), of market logics (Ressel), of (non-)kinship ties (Peres), and of the labour force itself (Vidal).

Exploring case studies from the Dutch colonies in the 18th century, the North African coast in the 18th and 17th centuries, and the Latin Mediterranean from the 13th to the 16h centuries, the session spans a range of urban and rural environments, colonial and enslaved labour systems, and private and institutional settings. Each paper investigates the intersections between the (re-)producing body (for someone and/or something), the controlled body (regulated by someone and/or something), and the resisting body (of someone under coercive circumstances).

Key questions guiding the panel are:
•How were labour, dependency, exploitation, and (coerced) intimacies constructed and negotiated through bodily practices?
•What is the relation between shared (medical) knowledge about and interventions to the working body and labour coercion?
•In what ways did workers engage in bodily self-fashioning, and how were these processes shaped by markets?
•How did labour exploitation and bodily violence shape and intersect with different layers of reproduction?

By centering the body in the formation, maintenance, and dissolution of labour relations, the panel seeks to deepen the dialogue between labour history, the history of medicine, kinship studies, gender history, and the history of emotions.

ORGANIZERS

Lehner, Eva Marie
elehner@uni-bonn.de
University of Bonn
Peres, Corinna
corinna.peres@univie.ac.at
University of Vienna
Wet Nursing and Enslaved Women in the 18th-Century Cape Colony: Labour, Reproduction, and Hierarchies

Authors:

Lehner, Eva Marie
University of Bonn
elehner@uni-bonn.de
This paper examines the exploitation of enslaved women’s labour and bodies in the eighteenth-century colonial Cape, South Africa. Through an examination of wet nursing, the practice whereby enslaved women of African, Asian, and mixed descent who had recently given birth were used and rented out to breastfeed European settler children, this study explores the commodification and control of these women’s embodied and intimate labour. This practice was a key means of negotiating dependencies and reinforcing racial, gender, and social hierarchies in early modern South Africa. The Cape of Good Hope, a Dutch colonial port city and settler colony, saw considerable free migration from various European countries, along with forced migration from East Africa, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. This influx led to a significant gender imbalance, characterized by a higher number of European men compared to women. The forced importation of mainly enslaved men intensified this demographic disparity, thereby making enslaved women particularly vulnerable and subject to close scrutiny within colonial society. Focusing on enslaved women who had recently given birth and were used and rented out to breastfeed free children, this paper analyzes the convergence of reproductive and productive labour in the role of the wet nurse, transforming their bodies into sources of both intimate care and enforced labour. Using sources such as travelogues, images, and criminal records, I demonstrate how the commodification of enslaved women’s bodies was shaped by, and at the same time shaped, gendered, social, and racial hierarchies.Bibliography Nigel Worden, Slavery in Dutch South Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2010). Jennifer Morgan, ‘”Some Could Suckle over Their Shoulder”: Male Travelers, Female Bodies, and the Gendering of Racial Ideology, 1500-1770’, The William and Mary Quarterly 54/1 (1997), pp. 167–192. Robert C.-H. Shell, Children of Bondage. A Social History of the Slave Society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652–1838 (Han-over/London: Wesleyan University Press 1994). Patricia van der Spuy, ‘“What, then, was the sexual outlet of black males?” A feminist critique of quantitative representations of women slaves at the Cape of Good Hope in the eighteenth century’, Kronos 23 (1996), pp. 43–56. Valerie Fildes, Wet Nursing: A History from Antiquity to the Present (Oxford 1988). Camillia Cowling, Maria Helena Machado, Diana Paton, and Emily West (eds.), Motherhood, Childlessness and the Care of Children in Atlantic Slave Societies (Routledge, 2020). 4
Bodies of Value: Ransoming Christians and the Negotiation of Worth in the Early Modern Mediterranean

Authors:

Ressel, Magnus
University of Hagen
magnus.ressel@fernuni-hagen.de
Ransoming of Christians in the early modern Mediterranean was a widespread practice shaped by centuries of Christian-Muslim confrontation. Drawing on a broad range of sources – letters from redemption orders, diplomatic correspondence, captivity narratives, and account books – this paper examines the value assigned to Christian captives, focusing on the body as a site of negotiation and valuation. The price of an individual was shaped by numerous factors: youth, physical ability, professional skills, religious status – and the capacity and willingness of his home society to invest resources in his buying-back. This made the body of the captive both an economic asset and a spiritual charge. The valuation process reveals tensions between confessional ideals and market logic: Should the Christian be ransomed because of his soul’s worth or his labour potential? This was not merely a theoretical question, quite the opposite: It had permanent implications and repercussions on the practices of ransoming. The analysis takes inspiration from praxeological approaches and value theory to highlight how economic productivity and spiritual dignity intersected in ransom practices. The paper contends that ransom negotiations did not merely reflect supply and demand in an imperfect market, but functioned as a performative process that redefined the boundaries be-tween religion, economy, and personhood. Through the captive’s body – valued, scrutinized, described, and priced – a conflicted field of early modern cross-cultural entanglements and symbolic exchange emerged. The paper contends that the practices of ransoming and redeeming captives led to a new valorization of Christian bodies – not only in the transactional negotiation between bodies and coin, but also in the symbolic reconstitution of religious, political, and social boundaries. An analysis inspired by the methodology of praxeology of the captive's body as labouring asset, spiritual charge, and confessional emblem reveals the entanglements of theology, economy, and affect that underpinned early modern cross-cultural exchange. The price affixed to a Christian life thus emerges not as a neutral measure, but as a site of contested valuation shaped by competing imaginaries of worth, dignity, and salvation.Bibliography Berry, Daina Ramey. 2017. The Price for Their Pound of Flesh: The Value of the Enslaved from Womb to Grave in the Building of a Nation. Boston: Beacon Press. Heinsen-Roach, Erica. 2016. „The Reluctant State: The Dutch Republic and the Ransoming of Captives, 1600–1727.“ Dutch Crossing. Journal of Low Countries Studies 40 (3): 168–86. Matar, Nabil. 1997. „Wives, Captive Husbands and Turks: The First Women Petitioners in Caroline England.“ Explorations in Renaissance Culture 23: 111–29. Matar, Nabil. 2005. Britain and Barbary, 1589–1689. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. Weiss, Gillian. 2011. Captives and Corsairs: France and Slavery in the Early Modern Mediterranean. Stanford Calif. Stanford University Press.
The Coercive Power of Breast Milk in the Latin Mediterranean

Authors:

Peres, Corinna
University of Vienna
corinna.peres@univie.ac.at
This paper examines the multi-functionality of breast milk and the power dynamics embedded in its circulation across Romance-speaking societies of the Latin Mediterranean in the late Middle Ages. Drawing on a wide array of archival sources – including letters, foundling hospital registers, family books (ricordanze), labour contracts, wills, and petitions – the paper explores the (dis)empowerment of women through the bodily practice of milk-giving. It traces how this form of reproductive labour was mediated through social representations of wet nurses, medical knowledge and interventions, and the (ab)use of the female body in response to demographic, market and household needs. Focusing on urban contexts in Florence, Genoa, and Venice, and extending comparatively to French and Spanish cities, the paper investigates moments when the act of milk-giving became contested or disrupted—whether due to stagnation in milk production, a woman’s refusal to nurse a particular infant, or prevailing medical and social norms that discouraged breastfeeding by pregnant or “unhealthy” women. Such conflicts highlight how households and foundling hospitals operated not only as sites of infant care but also as workplaces where the female body was regulated, commodified, and at times resisted control. The paper argues that the relational practices of milk-giving and milk-taking were performative: they not only brought women’s and infants’ bodies into intimate contact but also constructed and maintained wider social relations. By analyzing breast milk as a biological resource, a marketable commodity, and a cultural symbol that connected diverse social actors, the paper shows that reproductive labour in the late medieval Latin Mediterranean was profoundly shaped by the embodied entanglement of labour, coercion, kinship, and emotion.Bibliography Cluse, Christoph. “Frauen in Sklaverei: Beobachtungen aus genuesischen Notariatsregistern des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts.” In Campana Pulsante Convocati. Festschrift anläßlich der Emeritierung von Prof. Dr. Alfred Haverkamp, edited by Frank G. Hirschmann and Gerd Mentgen, 85–123. Trier: Kliomedia, 2005. Crifasi, Celia. “Fluid Bodies: Wet Nurses and Breastmilk Anxieties in Eighteenth-Century Madrid.” Journal of Women’s History 35, no. 1 (2023): 121–41. Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane. “Blood Parents and Milk Parents: Wet Nursing in Florence, 130–1530.” In Women, Family, and Ritual in Renaissance Italy, 132–64. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985. Phillips, Kim M. “Breast into Service: Wet Nurses in Late Medieval England.” In "We Are All Servants”: The Diversity of Service in Premodern Europe (1000–1700), edited by Isabelle Cochelin and Diane Wolfthal, 81–110. Toronto: Centre for Renaissance and Reformation Studies, 2022. Winer, Rebecca Lynn. “The Enslaved Wet Nurse as Nanny: The Transition from Free to Slave Labour in Childcare in Barce-lona after the Black Death (1348).” Slavery & Abolition 38, no. 2 (2017): 303–19.
Beyond market dependency. Basic needs and market intermediation as tools for labour coercion (Northern Italy, 1300s–1400s)

Authors:

Tommaso Vidal
University of Bergamo
vidal.tommaso@gmail.com
While central in many analyses of labour organisation, market dependency, and/or the ways workers addressed their essential needs more generically may still prove a fruitful ground for new interpretations. When access to the market was mediated by key figures, be it bosses or generic capitalists, worker’s market dependency opened new avenues for exploitation and coercion, going far beyond the mere ‘sale’ of their bare work. The holistic and micro-historical analysis of individual worksites allows to unpack the interplay between market dependency, market access mediation and labour organisation. I will analyse three case studies involving different ecological and socio-economic contexts: the Friulian and Paduan countryside and the Friulian mountains. While the analysis of coercive and bodily practices will focus on the late 1300s and 1400s, as it relies heavily on the availability of account books, it must also be set into a normative context that had been gradually developed since the early 1200s. I will argue that bosses’ or capitalist control over market access allowed them to: - institutionalise structures of coercion meant to control worker mobility and activity (i.e. forms of debt bondage); - expand the extraction of surplus value beyond the boundaries set by contractualized labour relationships; - gain access to an intimate knowledge of their workers’ and their families’ bodily ne-cessities, habits, strategies and life patterns. Being this internal to the workers’ (family) needs and habits, bosses and capitalists could indirectly control how and under which conditions their workers’ bodily needs could be answered, while also producing knowledge, narrative and normative systems that relied heavily on the bodily dimension to justify hierarchy and subjugation. In this context the body of the workers underpinned the whole architecture of coercion. Not only the body was the only tool increasingly proletarianised peasants had to answer basic necessities, or the place where sur-plus extraction took place, but it also was a working site in itself, as coercion was structured to work on the body (that could be (im)mobilised and disciplined) and through the body, in the sense that the latter became the focus of coercive discourses and practices.Bibliography Banaji, Jairus. “The Fictions of Free Labour: Contract, Coercion, and so-called Unfree Labour”. In Jairus Banji, Theory as History. Essays on modes of production and exploitation, 134–54. Leiden: Brill, 2010. Mayade-Claustre, Julie. “Le corps lié de l’ouvrier. Le travail et la dette à Paris au XVe siecele”. Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 60, no. 2 (2005): 383–408. Reckinger, Gilles. Arance amare. Un nuovo volto della schiavitù in Italia. Milano-Udine: Mimesis, 2020. Vidal, Tommaso. Grano amaro. Lavoro contadino nell’Italia nord-orientale (secoli XIII–XV). Udine: Forum, 2023.

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 219

11. Precarious Labour

Precarious Labour and Organised Labour

Chair: Rosa Kösters

rosa.kosters@iisg.nl

IISH

Discussants:

Rosa Kösters
rosa.kosters@iisg.nl
IISH

This panel focuses on how organised labour responded to precarious employment.

ORGANIZERS

Nina Trige Andersen
nina.trige.andersen@gmail.com
Independent historian
María Fernanda Arellanes
maria.fernanda.arellanes@gmail.com
Independent scholar
Sibylle Marti
sibylle.marti@unibe.ch
Universität Bern
At the Margins of the Guilds: Subordinate Workers in Late Medieval Italian Cities

Authors:

Aldo Giuseppe di Bari
University of Trieste
aldogiuseppedibari@gmail.com
For some time now, historians have re-evaluated the study of guilds, revealing that they were not static, cohesive bodies, but complex systems marked by a certain fluidity in their internal relations. This has brought to light the diverse range of individuals excluded from official guild rolls who nonetheless contributed significantly to urban manufacturing: immigrants, street vendors, slaves, and others who worked from home (often women). Within this picture, we also find workers operating on the margins between informal labor and fully-fledged artisans. Variously labelled as sottoposti or obedientes, these individuals were bound to pay regular dues and to comply with guild hierarchies and rules. They were only partially integrated into the association and lacked the protections afforded to registered members.Focusing on northern Italian cities in the second half of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, a period when economic structures were profoundly reshaped by the plague, this paper examines the role of these precarious figures in urban production systems. The analysis draws on archival sources from Padua, Bologna, and Florence, including council deliberations, matriculation records, and the proceedings of civic and guild courts.The practice of working without a guild registration was widespread in the major manufacturing centers and is documented in the records of the guild courts, particularly those of the wool industry. Trials against individuals unlawfully practicing the trade appear in the registers of the corporate tribunals of Padua and Florence, where this was the most frequently prosecuted offense between 1375 and 1449.The study asks how irregular employment was restricted and, at the same time, to what extent having a flexible, low-cost workforce was deemed advantageous. It further explores whether subordinate workers sought complete autonomy, free from statutory regulation, or, as in the case of Bologna’s obedientes cordwainers in 1425, demanded greater inclusion within production systems, even through open dissent.
Precarious Agricultural Workers and the Scottish Farm Servants Union

Authors:

Lewis Willcox
University of St Andrews
ljw36@st-andrews.ac.uk
In 1912, amidst wider currents of industrial unrest throughout the country, a meeting in the Aberdeenshire market town of Turriff resulted in the formation of the Scottish Farm Servants Union. Scottish agricultural workers were notoriously difficult to organise, with numerous earlier efforts ending in failure. Precarious working conditions, such as payment in-kind, short-term contracts and tied housing, combined with geographical isolation precluded workers from coming together and acting as an ‘organised mass’, unlike their counterparts in industrial centres. Yet, the new union did not collapse and would grow into an influential element of the Scottish labour movement, winning a number of concessions for their membership.This paper will reflect on the formation of the SFSU. Through a case study of agricultural workers in the northeast of Scotland, this paper will consider the conditions of their social and economic lives, and the specific organisational efforts of the SFSU locally. Additionally, this paper will place the SFSU’s foundation within the context of the national strike wave of the Labour Unrest. In doing so it will highlight how the Labour Unrest was experienced by agricultural workers in the northeast of Scotland, how it impacted their experience of organisation and their relationship with the wider trade union movement. Furthermore, this paper will reflect on the class identity of rural labourers, arguing that, in contrast to stereotypical perspectives, rural labourers held a distinctly proletarian identity and positioned themselves as a constituent part of the wider working class.
Trade Unions Confronting Precarity: Organizing Railway Construction and Maintenance Workers in Argentina in the First Quarter of the Twentieth Century

Authors:

Florencia D’Uva
Universidad de Buenos Aires
florenciaduva87@gmail.com
This paper re-examines the place of Argentine railway workers in early twentieth-century labor history by focusing on the precarity experienced by construction and maintenance workers. Far from being a privileged group within the railway industry, these laborers endured exhausting workdays, meager wages, and systemic exploitation. Their employment was typically unstable and temporary as the same men who built and maintained railway lines often sought agricultural jobs during harvest season. This circulation between sectors, combined with their itinerant living conditions in transitory camps, limited the possibilities of long-term stability and reinforced their vulnerability at the bottom of the railway hierarchy.Despite these obstacles, trade unions attempted to organize these workers and incorporate them into the general struggles of the sector, while considering their particular problems and demands. Among other issues, they denounced the exploitative practices of the superiors, demanded wage increases and shorter working hours. Yet, their unionization remained uneven and fragile, reflecting the difficulties of organizing a dispersed and mobile workforce. By analyzing these dynamics, the paper highlights the challenges that railway unions faced when confronting the most precarious segments of the labor force. It also sheds light on the ways in which railway track and construction workers, despite structural disadvantages, became active participants in collective struggles. More broadly, this case study contributes to ongoing debates on labor precarity, trade union strategies, and the uneven processes of working-class formation in Argentina at the beginning of the 20th century.
Navigating Precarity and Social Reproduction: The Approach of the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) to Part-time and Temporary Work 1993-2007

Authors:

Thea Holmlund
Stockholm University
thea.holmlund@ekohist.su.se
In recent decades, most European countries have experienced a significant rise in precarious forms of employment, and Sweden is no exception. Since the 1990s, Sweden has, among other things, seen an increase in various forms of temporary work and involuntary part-time employment. How have unions responded to these developments? Historically, the Swedish Trade Union Confederation (LO) has exerted considerable influence over labour market regulations and has organised unions in industries where workers are particularly affected by precarious employment. Thus, studying LO's actions in relation to the precarisation of work may provide valuable insights to the broader processes of precarisation over recent decades.Previous research has noted that LO’s union agenda has largely been shaped around the interests of white men with stable, full-time employment. Women and immigrants, who have been disproportionately affected by insecure forms of work, have often been marginalised. Therefore, there is a need to deepen our understanding of how LO’s interests and strategies have been formulated in relation to the increasing precariousness of work and in relation to which groups of workers that LO has claimed to represent.Furthermore, the rise in precarious employment blurs boundaries between work and private life, and union approaches to precarisation reveal underlying assumptions about how society is reproduced. Thus, my dissertation adopts a social reproduction approach. The source material consists of union-produced documents, analysed through text analysis.

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 208

7. Labour and Family Economy

Women managing family business: industry and commerce (XVIII-XX)

Chair: Margarita Lopez & Luisa Muñoz

margarita.lopez@uab.cat / luisamaria.munoz@usc.es

Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona / Unversidade de Santiago de Compostela

Discussants:

Marguerita Lopez
margarita.lopez@uab.cat
Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona

Historically, being a businessman, entrepreneur, or trader was a role reserved for men. We know little about the
role played by women in this field. There is still a great deal of uncertainty and much to explore in the world of family businesses and workshops, both urban and rural (Martini and Bellavitis, 2014). We know that some women were able to carve out a niche for themselves as traders in activities not covered by trade monopolies (Solà, 2009:240). On the other hand, as retail trade became established, another type of intermediary grew in the sales process: dressmakers and haberdashers, or donators, capcers and merceres (in Catalonia) (Sarasúa, 1995:165; Solà, 2002:318). All of them were women entrepreneurs. The current proposal will study different populations in Catalonia, with the aim of highlighting women’s work related to textile manufacturing, with special emphasis on the activities of these women as entrepreneurs and businesswomen. In the constitution of commercial companies, we will analyse women’s activity as partners in business development and work activity; their own capital contributed to the commercial company; capital lent to their spouse, brother, etc.; we will observe the development of the business in the hands of women and their decision-making capacity regarding purchases, credit granted to customers, choice of collaborators, employees and apprentices (fadrí); multiple activities of the spouse or other partners versus the expansion of women’s roles; etc. To this end, multiple primary sources will be used: testimonies from contemporaries (Francisco de Zamora, Madoz, etc.), distribution of trade subsidies, industrial registrations, population registers, merchant guides, commercial almanacs, business sources, notarial protocols,
etc. The article will be structured as follows. After the introduction, there is a section on textile manufacturing in Catalonia. From here, we will focus on our first case study, the rural manufacture of lace and bobbin lace for 12 Catalan towns (18th-20th centuries). This section will follow the methodology developed by the Annales
School, which means that all the sources mentioned above and their possible under-recording will be analysed exhaustively. We wish to make an initial macro approach, in order to finally analyse specific trajectories in time and space. In the following section, we will focus on other textile manufacturers: hosiery factories (cotton and
silk), ribbons, bonnets, gloves, Indian fabrics, etc. This section will be approached with the aim of developing specific cases of women entrepreneurs, for which notarial sources (eras, wills, powers of attorney, post-mortem inventories) will be of great help.

ORGANIZERS

Margarita López-Antón
margarita.lopez@uab.cat
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
Lídia Torra
lidia.torra@prof.esci.upf.edu
Universitat Pompeu Fabra Barcelona
FEMINIZED BUSINESSES AND BUSINESSWOMEN IN AN ISLAND ECONOMY. MENORCA (CA. 1850-1960)

Authors:

Antònia Morey Tous
Universitat de les Illes Balears
antonia.morey@uib.es

Authors:

David Prokes
Universitat de les Illes Balears
David.prokes1@estudiant.cat
Studies on the economic past of the Balearic Islands from a gender perspective remain scarce, particularly regarding female entrepreneurship. This article aims to redress this limitation through the systematisation of diverse sources, notably a selection of fiscal surveys and successive commercial directories. These sources facilitate an estimation of the evolution of women-owned businesses relative to their male counterparts, as well as an in-depth exploration of various lines of specialisation and some of the principal represented groups. It is evident that, despite prevailing gender inequalities, women assumed significant roles and participated in a wide range of activities, not solely in sectors traditionally considered female-dominated. Like men, they capitalised on emerging business opportunities amid different economic and political circumstances.
WOMEN AND BUSINESS ACTIVITY: SECTORAL DISTRIBUTION AND REGIONAL COMPARISON IN NORTHERN SPAIN (1870–1911)

Authors:

Luisa Muñoz-Abeledo
University of Santiago de Compostela
luisamaria.munoz@usc.es

Authors:

María Gómez
University of Oviedo
gomezmmaria@uniovi.es
Despite the gaps and deficiencies in the documentation, as well as the weight of classical theories that ignore the role of women as economic agents, there is no doubt that many women have participated directly in the production, distribution and sale of products and services, as recent studies on the subject show. In fact, within this line of research, the objective of this work is to analyze the evolution and increase of professions, businesses and industries managed by women, as well as their diversity, in the north-western part of the peninsula. To this end, a combined methodology will be applied, predominantly using data mining from primary sources that record economic activity in the region during the last quarter of the 19th century and the first quarter of the 20th century, together with the relevant literature. Thus, based on the recorded information, a double comparative analysis can be carried out. Firstly, between Asturias and A Coruña, two areas with similar economic activity at least until the mid-19th century. The industrialization processes implemented in the second half of the nineteenth century led both territories to embark on two parallel developments. Asturias was mainly linked to the secondary sector, while A Coruña, without neglecting the manufacturing and industrial sector, was more focused on trade. This circumstance makes them two ideal areas for comparing their evolution. Secondly, the comparison established in this study is also internal in nature, as it selects three leading cities in each of the provinces as case studies: Oviedo and Santiago de Compostela, chosen for their status as capitals; A Coruña and Gijón, for their ports; and Langreo and Ferrol, for their industrial prominence. The results will provide insight not only into the industrial and commercial work of Asturian and Coruña women during the inter-secular period, but also into the increase in businesses run by women and the diversification of their activities.
WOMEN'S BUSINESSES IN GRANADA CITY BETWEEN THE 1920S AND THE EARLY FRANCO ERA

Authors:

Arantza Pareja Alonso
University of Granada
arantza.pareja@ugr.es

Authors:

Gracia Moya García
University of Jaen
gmmoya@ujaen.es
Women were more prevalent and dynamic in the business world than business history had previously assumed until only a few decades ago. Undoubtedly, they encountered numerous obstacles and restrictions to entrepreneurship due to legislation and societal norms until the latter half of the 20th century, which prevented them from owning any type of business. Until recently, it was thought that their involvement in small and medium-sized enterprises was confined to providing assistance to the family business, if it was compatible with their domestic duties, or simply lending their name to the boards of directors of their families' companies. However, in recent years, numerous studies have revealed a greater female presence in business than might be expected, particularly in commerce and small businesses. The discovery of local and municipal sources primarily intended for fiscal purposes, which recorded the names of owners, has made it possible to identify, locate and quantify the presence of women in this sector of the economy beyond salaried work. The city council of Granada compiled these types of lists, at least since the beginning of the 20th century, reflecting the intense activity of the capital. Specifically, the Provincial Historical Archive contains the following documents: industrial and commercial registrations, lists of guilds, and business registration notification documents. These date from 1901 to the 1960s. Unfortunately, the annual sequence in the same type of source is not as frequent as would be desirable. This is especially true during certain periods of expected change in these economic activities. An example of this is during the Second Spanish Republic in the 1930s. This article has two objectives. Firstly, it aims to provide an overview of the commercial and industrial situation in Granada over a long period, from the interwar period to the early Franco era. This is achieved by analysing and studying the Guilds' books (1919–1924), Business Registrations for 1935–36 and Industrial and Commercial Register for 1939 and 1945. Secondly, the other aim is to monitor and study how long businesses owned by women survive for during this long period. We will examine whether these small businesses survived and the circumstances that may have influenced this, including the economic and political situation, age and family cycle.
Large Scale Enterprises or SME’s? Rethinking the role of women in the businesses in Catalonia in the 18th century

Authors:

Margarita López-Antón
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
margarita.lopez@uab.cat

Authors:

Lídia Torra
Universitat Pompeu Fabra
lidia.torra@prof.esci.upf.edu
Historically, being a businessman, entrepreneur, or trader was a role reserved for men. Little is known about the role played by women in this field. There is still considerable opacity and much remains to be explored in the context of family businesses and workshops, both urban and rural (Martini and Bellavitis, 2014). We do know that some women were able to carve out a niche as merchants in activities where guild monopolies lacked scope (Solà, 2009:240). This proposal analyzes two case studies: Calico Factories and reseller shops, as examples of large-scale enterprises and small and medium-sized enterprises, respectively. The objective is to identify the activities of these women as entrepreneurs and managers. We will analyze the women's activity as partners or entrepreneurs in business development and their employment; their own capital contributed to the business; capital lent to spouses and siblings, among others; we will observe the development of the business in the hands of women and their decision-making capacity over strategic areas of the company: purchasing, credit granted to clients, selection of collaborating, salaried, and apprentice staff; the multiple activities of the spouse or other partners versus the expansion of women's roles; etc. To this end, multiple primary sources will be used: testimonies from contemporaries (Francisco de Zamora, Madoz, etc.), distributions of trade subsidies, merchant guides, commercial almanacs, business sources, and notarial sources (chronicles, wills, powers of attorney, postmortem inventories).

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 203

5. Labour and Coercion

Punishment and Labour Coercion from Empire to Neoliberalism

Discussants:

Petrik, Teresa
teresa.petrik@univie.ac.at
Vienna University of Economics and Business

Punishment has acted as an instrument of labour coercion, control and management throughout history. This panel addresses how practices of punishment and surveillance have facilitated, legitimised and interacted with practices of coercion in labour relations. Thereby, it offers a perspective on the variety of ways in which coercion in the realm of labour was connected to other modes of violence and control. The panel includes papers from different regions across the world – from sixteenth century Spanish to the nineteenth-century British empire and the late-twentieth century United States. It thus explores change and continuity in punishment and surveillance across time and space, and shows that most punitive practices were not tied to a specific labour regime, but instead could be mobilised in different contexts for similar purposes.

ORGANIZERS

Capitano, Olimpia
capitanoolimpia@gmail.com
University of Teramo
Heinsen, Johan
heinsen@dps.aau.dk
Vilhelmsson, Vilhelm
vilhelmv@hi.is
Negotiating Prison and Penal Work: Britain and its Empire, 1800–1870

Authors:

Mehta, Kiran
University of Leicester
km621@leicester.ac.uk
This paper explores the coercion of prison and penal labourers in Britain and its Empire over the long nineteenth century. It focuses especially on England, southern Australia and the British Caribbean. It considers the work of those held in prisons, penal settlements and prison hulks, both before and after conviction. This paper looks closely at how penal labour was compelled and managed on a daily basis across different sites in the British Empire. In particular, it traces how authorities used incentives, on the one hand, and punishment, on the other, to extract service and shape the behaviour of penal labourers. In addition, the paper explores the reactions of penal labourers to their forced labour. It shows how different groups of penal workers understood their work and its value (to themselves and to the imperial state). It also notes the various ways that prisoners and convicts tried to make these systems of coercive labour work for – that is, benefit – them. The paper, consequently, will consider the kinds of works and the sorts of conditions that penal labourers pushed to do and conversely sought to avoid. This paper draws mainly on internal prison records, especially the working documents of key prison administrators including justices of the peace, sheriffs, prison keepers, penal superintendents and other prison officers. It also uses letters sent by prisoners to parliamentarians, the Home Office and magistrates. Finally, it makes extensive use of Colonial Office papers held at The National Archives in Kew, especially the colonial correspondence and Blue Books series. A range of archives have been used including public record offices in Norfolk, London, Gloucester, Somerset, Melbourne, Adelaide and Tasmania.
“Utility” and Forced Labour in the Early Modern Period: An Approach from the Spanish Galleys

Authors:

Peláez Domínguez, Teresa
University of Valencia
teresa.pelaez@uv.es
This paper examines the links between “utility” and forced labour in the early modern navy. The introduction of forced labour in the galleys has usually been understood as a consequence of the utilitarian needs of the monarchies associated with the development of warfare. This formulation was established during the Enlightenment, in the context of the penal reforms advocated at the time, when the sentence to the galleys was theorised as an early manifestation of penal utility, which placed criminals in the service of the state in response to growing military demands. Since then, galley service for convicts (and, more broadly, penal servitude) has been situated within a genealogy of penal practices – understood as a transitional phase between corporal elimination (torture and capital punishment) and imprisonment, which aimed to preserve and make the offender “useful” while reducing costs. Moreover, for decades now, scholars have questioned the paradigm of the state as the explanatory model for early modern political formations. Therefore, if the role of the state is being reconsidered, the idea of penal utilitarianism as serving its interests must also be rethought. However, it is worth questioning what uses forced labour had at its origin – an origin linked to military needs but rooted in medieval ideas about servitude and punishment. Through an analysis of forced labour in the Galleys of Spain, this paper aims to examine how convict and slave labour was introduced in them. Actually, in the late medieval period, galley rowers were salaried men, but in the 16th century – with the creation of new royal fleets funded by the Crown – forced labourers were compelled to row in them. Far from being explained solely by economic logic (such as a shortage of wage labour), this transition was influenced by other factors tied to notions of hierarchy, difference, and dependence characteristic of Ancien Régime societies. Ultimately, this paper seeks to understand how forced labour in the galleys was conceptualised in the 16th century, and what ideas about the “utility” and the “public” were at play. Thus, it focuses on the uses of the category “useful,” applied to forced rowers – which, for example, legitimised the release of convicts – and on the conceptions of the usefulness of rowing service for the defence of the kingdom, which justified the introduction of forced labour in the galleys.
"I would not wish this thing on my worst enemy!”: Peer Surveillance in U.S. Public Education, 1975– 1990

Authors:

Rothman, Evan
CUNY Graduate Center (New York City)
erothman@gradcenter.cuny.edu
In the last decade historians, U.S. historians have shown that crime control and social welfare policies increasingly converged between the 1960s and the 1980s. The Reagan administration did not start this punitive turn, but rather built upon a “process that liberals themselves had developed within a broad bipartisan political consensus.” Historians of education have demonstrated how police and policing grew increasingly embedded in public schools from the late 1960s onward. This includes outright repression of antiracist student organizing, as well as more insidious means like teachers’ discretionary use of discipline to criminalize Black students in newly desegregated schools. I follow these scholars in understanding policing as a crucial coercive instrument by which schools and other welfare state institutions reinscribed racial hierarchies during and after the 1960s. It’s important to recognize that teachers – and their unions – often supported more intensive school policing and criminalized students of colour. But these interventions, and the broader “school-to-prison pipeline” concept, lack an analysis of schools as workplaces and teaching as work. As a result, teachers’ participation in public education’s repressive functions is reduced to an unconstrained choice reflecting personal values. I argue that U.S. schools’ increasingly carceral turn in the late 20th century must be understood on the basis of education work’s changing social relations at the point of “production.” Teachers did not simply mete out more punishment by choice. Rather, teachers responded to new forms of labour discipline being imposed on them, often with the active collaboration of their unions. My paper focuses on two local case studies in Toledo and Cincinnati, Ohio, which demonstrate how new forms of labour discipline took root in schools, and to what effect. In the late 1970s, local teachers’ unions in these cities began to experiment with so-called peer review programs, which soon spread across the country. Anxious to reassure the voting public of the teaching profession’s high standards, these programs promised that teachers themselves would work with management to identify and remediate ineffective coworkers. Once remanded to a peer review program, “seriously dysfunctional” teachers (as one union called its own members) were paired with “appraising teachers” who could conduct endless, unannounced teaching observations, and ultimately recommend dismissal. This atmosphere of surveillance severed solidarity and heightened stress. While U.S. teachers’ struggles to control their labour process stretch early back to the early 20th century, the distinctive features of union-sponsored peer review help us see the particularities of neoliberal labour discipline. As stated above, this reveals the material basis for carceral practices in education. In addition, though, my paper makes two significant contributions. First, examining peer review shows how certain unions embraced class collaboration in the face of political-economic headwinds. Second, my paper shows that labour-management schemes typically associated with private sector manufacturing – for instance, management-by-stress and quality circles – were tested in public sector, social reproductive labour as well.
Negotiating Prison Labour Conditions in the Age of Punitiveness: The Example of Wisconsin in the 1980s

Authors:

Lefevre, Anais
Sorbonne University
anais.lefevre.1997@gmail.com
In the second half of the 1970s, the United States embarked on a trajectory of mass incarceration in a broader context of backlash against the perceived “permissiveness” of the late 1960s and early 1970s. This set the stage for massive (and costly) prison building programs throughout the country. In addition, the period also witnessed the rise of a punitive discourse emphasizing the need for incarcerated people to “pay” for their crime by enduring harsh prison conditions – but also by working to partially offset the cost of their incarceration. Carceral work programs, of course, had always existed in prison. They operated outside of the legal framework applied to regular workers. Incarcerated people, the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution stated, had no right to be protected from “involuntary servitude”; rules pertaining to minimum wages, accident compensations, collective bargaining, or strikes, to name but a few, did not apply to them. From the 1930s to the 1960s, this state of affair had been partially defended on the basis of the prison’s rehabilitative mission: carceral work would teach incarcerated people “work habits” and thus help reintegrate them into society upon release. With the punitive turn of the late 1970s, however, carceral work became associated with conservative discourses emphasizing the cost of prisons to taxpayers, and the need to make prisons more dissuasive and unpleasant. At the same time, mass incarceration also led to overcrowded institutions and made prison jobs scarcer. Indeed, the number of jobs behind bars did not keep up with the explosion of incarceration rates.1 This paper aims to investigate the way in which incarcerated workers navigated this context of punitiveness and economic scarcity. It explores the gap between official discourses around prison labour and the meanings that incarcerated people themselves weaved around coerced carceral labour. It shows how incarcerated people integrated work into strategies of economic survival, and attempted to expand their labour rights in an increasingly hostile context. My analysis will be grounded primarily in the state of Wisconsin, whose archives contain records of prisoner grievances, which offer an illuminating glimpse into the ways in which incarcerated people navigated the prison system. Most scholars have assumed that prisoners’ coerced labour either constituted a simple continuation of slavery, or else did not matter much in the late twentieth century because many incarcerated people did not have a job. Yet, an exploration of Wisconsin prisoners’ experiences with carceral work in the 1980s reveals a more complex picture. Work continued to matter, both to administrators and to incarcerated people – albeit for different reasons. Administrators valued it as a managerial instrument, while incarcerated people tried to carve out spaces of freedom within highly constrained spaces. The coercion, for them, stemmed not only from mandatory work – but from the structure of the prison, which dispossessed them from their ability to sell (or withhold) their labour power.

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 222

4. Feminist Labour History

Gender and activism as work(place)

Chair: Eszter Varsa

varsae@ceu.edu

Central European University

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ORGANIZERS

Eszter Varsa
varsae@ceu.edu
Central European University
Françoise F. Laot
francoise.laot@univ-paris8.fr
Université Paris 8, LIAgE
Invisible Spaces of Solidarity: The Reproductive Labour of Strikers’ Wives in French Social Movements (1963–2023)

Authors:

Rose Feinte
Université Paris Est Créteil
rose.feinte@hotmail.com
This paper explores the gendered and often overlooked spaces of reproductive labour that sustain workers' struggles during strikes in France, from the 1960s to the present day. Drawing from an ongoing doctoral research project grounded in feminist labour history, the study focuses on the critical—but largely invisibilized —roles played by strikers’ wives in maintaining solidarity over time. Through their daily unpaid activities—organising food supplies, preparing communal meals, raising funds, hosting meetings—these women perform essential work that allows industrial action to endure. Despite their centrality to the functioning and emotional economy of strikes, they are seldom recognised as full political actors by trade unions or leftist organisations. Instead, they are often relegated to the status of “auxiliaries of the struggle” (Kergoat, 2012), a designation that reflects the intersection of gender and class-based hierarchies within labour movements. By investigating these domestic, social and affective spaces of labour, the paper interrogates how women's reproductive work creates alternative geographies of resistance—spaces that are informal, mobile, and often located at the margins of formal activism. These include private kitchens repurposed as canteens, family homes turned into organising hubs, and local neighbourhoods where solidarity networks are woven through care and kinship ties. These spaces, while seemingly peripheral, are central to the continuation of strikes, particularly during long struggles where institutional support is limited or fades over time. The research is based on a comparative study of three emblematic strike movements: the miners’ strikes in Nord–Pas-de-Calais (1963–1970), the “Parisien Libéré” (1975-1977), and the contemporary refinery strikes in France between 2021 and 2023. Using a methodology combining oral history interviews with strikers and their families, and archival research in personal, union, and public sources, the paper highlights both the continuities and transformations in women’s roles across time and generations. Particular attention is paid to the transmission of militant memory and “activist capital” from one generation to the next, especially in working-class families. How do children perceive and inherit the practices and narratives of strike solidarity? How are these memories gendered in their transmission and reception? In answering these questions, the paper contributes to a broader understanding of the spatial and temporal dynamics of feminist labour history. It also seeks to reframe the conceptual boundaries of the “workplace” to include spaces historically associated with domesticity and femininity, thus challenging the public/private divide that continues to shape labour historiography. By foregrounding the voices and practices of strikers’ wives, this paper invites us to rethink the geographies of collective action, and to recognise reproductive labour as a political force in its own right—one that underpins the very possibility of sustained labour resistance.
The Politics of Social Reproduction in Gecekondu Neighbourhoods: Revolutionary Women in 1970s Turkey

Authors:

Aynur Ozugurlu
University of South-Eastern Norway
aozugurlu@gmail.com
This paper explores the revolutionary practices of leftist women in 1970s Turkey, focusing on their political engagement within gecekondu (informal housing) neighborhoods - spaces located on the urban periphery where working-class life, rural-to-urban migration, and grassroots mobilization converged. Drawing on oral histories, memoirs, and archival sources, the study examines how these women politicized everyday forms of reproductive labor tied to the social reproduction of working-class communities, thereby challenging dominant narratives that render such labor invisible or apolitical. The 1970s were a transformative decade in Turkey, characterized by rapid import-substitution industrialization and massive rural-to-urban migration. These processes expanded the working-class population significantly and fostered its growing politicization. Gecekondu neighborhoods, informally constructed on public lands without official sanction, emerged as vital sites not only of residence but also of political mobilization. Situated near factories and industrial zones, these neighborhoods enabled a direct and often overlooked link between workplace struggles and neighborhood activism, creating interconnected arenas of resistance and survival. Many revolutionary women, often university-educated and politicized through student activism, intentionally embedded themselves within these gecekondu communities. Their daily labor blurred the lines between survival and struggle, as they engaged in initiatives that politicized reproductive labor. These included organizing literacy programs to combat educational exclusion, facilitating childcare to support working families, improving essential infrastructure, and mediating access to healthcare through solidaristic and politicized structures embedded within healthcare labor organizations. Furthermore, they redefined public spaces traditionally dominated by men, such as coffeehouses, into collective political and cultural hubs, thus transforming the social fabric of these neighborhoods. This period was also marked by intensified political repression. Following the 1971 military coup, which curtailed democratic freedoms, a brief resurgence of left-wing mobilization occurred. However, by the late 1970s, martial law and widespread paramilitary violence - often carried out by ultra-nationalist and fascist groups, targeted universities, labor organizations, and various communities, escalating political violence. In this volatile environment, organizing within gecekondu neighborhoods became both a form of political resistance and a strategy of community protection. Revolutionary women played critical roles in developing self-defense networks against fascist attacks, managing communication, and fostering community cohesion, thereby underscoring their central importance to both the survival of their communities and broader resistance efforts. This paper reflects on the political significance of recovering these spatial practices as part of feminist memory. The neighborhoods these women helped to transform -materially, symbolically, and relationally- stand as historical counterpoints to today’s crises of care, gender backlash, and authoritarian restructuring. By embracing the memory and narratives they left behind, the study foregrounds not only what was lost but also what remains possible, activating forms of collective survival, solidarity, and spatial resistance that resonate with contemporary struggles.
The gendered labor of movements: 1968 in Gothenburg

Authors:

Rachel Pierce
University of Gothenburg
rachel.pierce@ub.gu.se
1968 is often depicted in film and memory as a year of international, youthful revolt. But literature on the “long 1968 movement” has demonstrated that the movement had roots in the 1950s left, was multitudinous and ideologically fractured, and evidenced itself very differently in different localities with a variety of gendered expressions (Bracke 2012). What held this unwieldy, multipronged, and often contradictory movement together? An unexplored question is what the daily work of the movement looked like. Who ran the offices, stamped and mailed letters, applied for protest permits, and ran meetings? Who did the emotional labor required to hold networks of activists together? How did activists balance their work and family lives, as they began to have children? Feminist scholars have long engaged with the feminist mantra “the personal is political,” but the roots of this statement are still somewhat unexamined. Scholars have examined the women who rejected the gender norms of leftist activism, but scores of other women stayed within leftist organizations, married other activists, and continue to socialize with leftist friends today (Frazier & Cohen 2009). Further, for all activists regardless of sex, the political was personal, involving the construction and maintenance of networks of friends and acquaintances (Stelliferi 2015). My presentation will use archival and oral history material from my research group’s current OH project (GBG1968) to examine the gendered nature of the daily work of running a movement, work that involved outreach activities, collective childcare, meeting and office work, and more in one city – Gothenburg, Sweden. The paper will thus place gendered labor at the heart of movement work, examining this labor as a key component in movement mobilization and long-term activism. Research on 1968 in the Swedish context has focused on ideology and norms (Héden 2008; Hill 2017), as well as student and anti-Vietnam War activism in Stockholm and Lund (e.g. Salomon and Blomqvist, eds 1998; Östberg 2002). Gothenburg remains conspicuously absent despite the city’s long tradition of radical politics, its substantial working-class population, and unusually fraught relations between and within radical groups in the city (Christensen forthcoming 2025). Another reason to focus on Gothenburg is the strong presence of feminist organizations (Stenberg, ed 2021), which allows for a thorough analysis of the intertwined relations of the broader 1968 movement and the women’s liberation movement, an intertwining conspicuously absent from current analyses (see, for example, Førland 2008). Drawing on collective action theory (see e.g. Davis et al 2005), we will examine the gendered private social world that underpinned movement labor in Gothenburg in this period. In Gothenburg, the personal, almost familial nature of political work could strengthen but also endanger a movement or, as one activist has put it, “THE 1968 movement in Sweden” (interviewee K1, GBG1968).
The Activities of the Women’s Cooperative “Trud” (1901–1944) as a Local Experience of Networking, Socialization, and Feminine Agency in Galicia

Authors:

Alla Shvets
Ivan Franko Institute of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine
alla_shvec@ukr.net
This paper analyzes the activities of the women’s cooperative “Trud,” founded in Lviv in 1901, as a unique example of local women’s labor space that fostered networking, socialization, and the emergence of collective feminine agency in Galicia. Drawing on archival materials, memoirs, periodicals, and research on the Ukrainian women’s movement, the study explores how shared labor enabled women not only to meet material needs but also to build social networks, acquire new roles, and develop a sense of collective subjectivity. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Galicia (the territory of Ukraine that was then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire) marked a gradual transition for women from the private domestic sphere to public life. Women’s labor was increasingly seen not only as an economic necessity but also as an opportunity for self-realization and public recognition. Within this context, the cooperative movement became a crucial experience of women’s networking, solidarity, and socialization in a patriarchal society. The focus of the paper is on the “Trud” cooperative, established by Ukrainian women intellectuals who sought to provide women with employment, economic independence, professional development, and opportunities for social participation. “Trud” functioned as a production and educational space, offering women income through handicrafts, embroidery, tailoring, and the manufacture of household goods, while also organizing courses and a school of dressmaking and sewing. This combination enabled women to acquire new skills, improve their social status, and expand their life experience. The cooperative’s products were sold at exhibitions and fairs both within Galicia and beyond. The cooperative’s own property in central Lviv, its network of branches in other Galician cities, and its collaboration with other women’s organizations (such as the “Ruthenian Women's Club” and the “Union of Ukrainian Women”) demonstrate its capacity to create and sustain stable spaces of collective women’s labor and solidarity. Thus, women’s work became not only a means of survival but also a tool for socialization, emancipation, and the expansion of civic participation. Cooperatives like “Trud” played a significant role as feminist spaces, providing not only economic support but also institutionalizing women’s agency. They served as prototypes for later women’s professional and civic organizations, laying the groundwork for a new model of active female citizenship in which women became full participants in social processes. The long history of “Trud” illustrates the transformation of traditional forms of women’s charity into more rational and sustainable models of social work aimed at addressing the causes of poverty rather than merely its consequences. The paper also examines intergenerational dynamics within the women’s movement, the importance of personal contacts and social capital, and the impact of political and economic changes on the cooperative’s functioning. Finally, the experience of “Trud” allows us to trace how local women’s labor initiatives fit into the broader European context of the cooperative movement, and how women’s labor spaces became platforms for the formation of new models of solidarity, professional identity, and social mobility. Notably, the “Trud” cooperative’s delegation was a long-standing member of the International Cooperative Guild in Paris.

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 206

4. Feminist Labour History

Book launch “Women’s Labour Activism in Eastern Europe and Beyond: A New Transnational History”

Chair: Natalia Jarska

njarska@ihpan.edu.pl

Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences

Join us for the launch of Women’s Labour Activism in Eastern Europe and Beyond (UCL Press, 2025) – a groundbreaking, open access, collectively-written monograph that traces women’s struggles for better working and living conditions across Eastern Europe, Austria, Turkey, and internationally, from the late 19th century to the late 20th century.

Co-authored by Selin Çağatay, Mátyás Erdélyi, Alexandra Ghiț, Olga Gnydiuk, Veronika Helfert, Ivelina Masheva, Zhanna Popova, Jelena Tešija, Eszter Varsa, and Susan Zimmermann, the volume is the outcome of the ERC-funded project ZARAH: Women’s labour activism in Eastern Europe and transnationally, from the age of empires to the late 20th century, based at Central European University.

With the participation of authors of Women’s Labour Activism, who will share their experience of challenges and advantages of co-authoring a truly collaborative monograph.

ORGANIZERS

Eszter Varsa
varsae@ceu.edu
Central European University
Susan Zimmermann
Zimmerma@ceu.edu
Central European University

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 220

17. Labour Migration History

Coercion, control and precarity of agricultural migrant work in the 19th and 20th centuries

The working group aims to build an interdisciplinary network of scholars studying labour migration from a historical perspective. Although migration currently receives great attention in political and academic debates, it is often discussed as a humanitarian emergency, a social and a security problem, but very rarely as a labour (history) issue. Similarly, research sympathetic to the struggles of migrants tends to denounce the violation of human and civil rights experienced by migrants but very rarely refers to the ways in which migration management policies have historically contributed to the creation of unfree and precarious working conditions. Our network seeks to generate scholarly debate about the interconnectedness of labour and migration history and stresses the importance of labour to analyse change in migration patterns and policies across time and space. We are interested in both empirical and theoretical analysis, and in various types of labour migration, perspectives, chronological and regional foci.

We invite papers addressing labour migration history including (but not limited to) the following topics of interest:

Labour mobility in domestic, regional and transnational policies and patterns
Intra-bloc and East-South labour migration in the Cold War context
Labour migration beyond normative and methodological nationalism
Organised migration schemes (e.g. “Guestworkers”) in a comparative perspective
Labour precarity and coercion in historical perspective
Entanglements between forced and voluntary migration
Methodological considerations and innovations in labour migration history
Historical shifts in intersections of gender, race, and class in migrant labour flows
The impact of migration in sending societies: Remittances and the financialization of migrants

ORGANIZERS

Barnard, Sara
sara.bernard@glasgow.ac.uk
sara.bernard@glasgow.ac.uk
Displacement without Movement: The Forced Occupational Migration of Slovak Farmers into Collectivized Labor Structures (1950s)

Authors:

Hric, Pavol
Pavol Jozef Safarik University in Kosice
palko.hric@gmail.com
During the 1950s in communist Czechoslovakia the rural population underwent the forced collectivization of agriculture. This caused severe inequalities resulting from state-enforced transformations of rural labor. We examine this historical shift in labour organization as a key dimension of coerced social change under state socialism. The violent collectivization campaign coerced the transformation of agricultural production methods, ownership structures, and social relations in the countryside. Thousands of peasants were forced to give up their land, equipment, and livestock, often without adequate compensation. Collectivization was therefore not merely an economic reform, but a fundamental transformation of rural peasant society. This paper interprets collectivization not only as a reorganization of ownership and production but also as a form of forced occupational migration – a displacement of farmers from the position of autonomous producers into collective, ideologically controlled labor structures within the socialist regime. Although collectivization did not primarily involve the physical relocation of individuals, the regime compelled farmers to undergo social and occupational displacement, transforming private landowners into dependent members of the United Agricultural Cooperative (JRD). This transition was frequently enforced through various forms of coercion: psychological pressure, economic sanctions, criminal prosecutions, confiscation of property, and in some cases even forced physical resettlement under the so-called “Action Kulak,” in which entire families were expelled from their villages and relocated across the country. In many cases, this led to the loss of social status and identity; the children of “enemies of the regime” were often denied access to education and forced to seek employment in sectors outside of agriculture. The paper draws on archival sources (court records, decisions of local committees, party and security documents) with a focus on the Eastern Slovak region. Special attention is also paid to oral history testimonies of victims of collectivization, its consequences, and perspectives found in Czechoslovak historiography. Finally, it highlights the fate of convicted farmers who were sent to perform forced labor in the uranium mines of Jáchymov – an often overlooked episode in the broader context of state repression and labor exploitation under communism.
Agricultural Labour Supply of Capitalist Farms: Family work and Women migration in early 19th-Century Majorca

Authors:

Jover-Avella, Gabriel
University of Girona
gabriel.jover@udg.edu
In early 19th-century Majorca, the agrosystem was dominated by capitalist farms operating in two main sectors: olive oil production in the mountainous region, primarily oriented toward the international market, and cereal cultivation in the central plains, focused on the domestic market. Both sectors depended heavily on hired wage labour. Cereal farms generally recruited workers through the local labour market, while olive estates in the mountainous region relied heavily on female labourers sourced from the wider regional labour market, resulting in these women undertaking seasonal and temporary migrations for olive harvesting. The majority of workers hired in the mountain region came from peasant families in the cereal-producing plains, whose landholdings were insufficient to meet their basic biological and social reproduction needs. As a result, these households were compelled to engage part of their family labour in the wage labour market. This paper proposes to examine how peasant families allocate their labour between cultivating their own plots and engaging in external labour markets, thereby advancing our understanding of family-based economic decision-making processes. These families face decisions about which members remain to work the family land, which are hired out locally—particularly to cereal farms—and which participate in seasonal migration to harvest olives in the mountainous region. To this end, a case study approach will be employed focusing on the municipalities of Montuïri, located in the central cereal plains, and Esporles, situated in the mountainous area. The study will reconstruct household-level data—including family composition, landholdings, and labour market participation—by linking individual nominative records from the 1815/20 population registers (Padrones), 1818/20 property registers (Apeos), and the 1850 Agrarian Questionnaire (Interrogatorio Agrario).This reconstruction will enable the application of multivariable techniques, specifically OLS regressions, to analyse how families balanced labour allocation and income generation based on household size, age and sex composition, and crop types.
Chinese migrant labor in the post-emancipation American South and British Guiana

Authors:

Niu, Samuel
Columbia University
sjn2129@columbia.edu
Emancipation prompted planters across the Atlantic World to look to Asia as a source of labor to replace or supplement slaves and freedpeople. In Cuba, planters turned to Chinese laborers as international efforts to curb the Atlantic slave trade cut access to African slaves. Between 1847 and 1874, over 120,000 Chinese arrived in Cuba as indentured laborers. In that same period, nearly 18,000 more Chinese migrated to the British Caribbean alongside tens of thousands of Indian indentured laborers. In the American South, too, thousands of Chinese immigrants worked alongside freedpeople on plantations in the 1870s and 1880s. Thus, the Age of Emancipation was also an age of immigration. I propose a paper that examines Chinese migrant labor in the post-emancipation American South and British Guiana. The Chinese labor experiments in the two sites parallel one another in many ways. Both rose in the aftermath of emancipation as but one of many experimental labor regimes meant to solve ostensible labor shortages. Both saw Chinese migrants laboring primarily, but not exclusively, in the sugar producing regions of their respective territories. And after just over a decade, both experiments constituted abject failures in the eyes of their proponents. Unable to revitalize cash crop production and restore the faltering power of former slaveholding planters, the experiments were eclipsed in history and historiography by subsequent labor regimes. At the same time, important differences distinguish Chinese labor migration to British Guiana from that of the American South. Most notably, the vast majority of Chinese laborers in British Guiana worked under indenture contracts, whereas those in the United States worked as free laborers protected by the Thirteenth Amendment. Moreover, whereas the colonial government oversaw virtually every step of Chinese labor migration to the British Caribbean, in the United States South, private industry alone managed Chinese migration. Significantly, too, far more Chinese migrated to British Guiana under indenture than did free Chinese migrate to the American South. And lastly, the settlement patterns of the migrants differed substantially, with Chinese in the American South largely evacuating the region after leaving plantations while Chinese in British Guiana settled and intermarried. I aim to explore and explain these differences without losing sight of the significance of the shared social, political, and economic post-emancipation context and the strikingly widespread impulse throughout the Atlantic World to look towards China for labor. What accounts for these commonalities and differences, what can we learn about indenture and free labor in the immediate post-emancipation years, and how might the classic questions of emancipation studies garner new answers under a framework that sees the Age of Emancipation as an Age of Immigration? This paper will draw on ship registers, contracts, personal papers, family trees, census data, newspapers, and colonial office records to offer preliminary answers to these questions.
The persistent criminalization of contract breaches in German sugar beet agriculture: From Gesinderecht to Fremdenrecht (1860s-1914).

Authors:

zum Mallen, Jan
Ruhr University Bochum
Jan.zumMallen@edu.ruhr-uni-bochum.de
In the late 19th century, migrant labor replaced Gesinde (servants) and estate labor as the dominant labor form in regions with expanding sugar beet cultivation. The sector’s high seasonal labor demand made it increasingly dependent on migrant labor, which grew in scale and shifted in composition (new groups, longer distances). This transition was accompanied by legal changes, as Gesinderecht (servants' law), previously the dominant regulatory framework, gave way to the emerging state-regulated Fremdenrecht (migration law) of 1907, functioning as a partial functional equivalent. Despite differences, both maintained legal status inequality, by criminalizing workers contract breaches: Gesinderecht prescribed imprisonment; Fremdenrecht introduced expulsion. This persistent criminalization, curtailing wage increases, was a key resource enabling the capitalist growth of sugar beet agriculture positioning Germany among the world’s largest producers until 1914. The paper focuses on the emergence of Fremdenrecht as new means of regulating labor from 1860s-1914 and gives a brief outlook of the period until 1934 where the new labor control regime entered a crisis. It pursues two aims: First, it challenges the conventional separation of labor and migration in German historiography, which has produced significant blind spots – most notably the persistent criminalization of contract breaches. While German labor history locates the end of criminalization in the crisis of Gesinderecht (late 19th century), it overlooks its transformation and continuation under Fremdenrecht, well beyond the formal abolition of Gesinderecht in 1918. Conversely, German migration history neglects the long history of contract breach criminalization in Gesinderecht and frames the continuation under Fremdenrecht primarily as a nationalist project, only secondarily touching upon labor relations. This disciplinary divide reinforces a reductive conflation of capitalism with free labor, wrongly assuming that status is fully displaced by contract. The paper argues against rigid free-unfree dichotomies and by comparing sugar beet labor regimes in western and eastern Germany, challenges prevailing framings of west as free and east as unfree. Second, the paper seeks to overcome methodological nationalism. The transition from Gesinderecht to Fremdenrecht demonstrates that, while capitalism is “incubated in older, tributary arrangements” (Eric Wolf), it does not merely inherit or adapt pre-existing status forms but also integrates new ones, notably citizenship. This process should be understood as contingent and not as a structural teleology in which the rise of the nation-state necessarily implies the emergence of such regulatory frameworks. In general, the presence or absence of criminalization is not determined by economic factors alone but must be understood as an “essentially political product” (Ravi Ahuja) shaped by competing social forces. The emergence of Fremdenrecht was not solely driven by nationalist agendas but by a more complex field of forces in which new production requirements and managerial interests for labor control were crucial. Furthermore, in this process the national state acquired new significance for labor regulation previously primarily within the domain of Hausherrschaft (patrimonial authority), but this was a complex, contested process and neither a complete nor linear transition.

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 204

8. Labour in Mining

(III) Extractive Industry under Dictatorship in the 20th Century: Social, Political and Environmental Issues

The mining sector occupied a central role in shaping the economic, political, and social history of many countries throughout the 20th century. As a strategic industry, mining was closely tied to national development agendas, regimes of labour control, environmental transformations, and the consolidation of state power.

This panel aims to explore the labour, social, political, and environmental dimensions of the mining sector under dictatorial regimes during the 20th century. While we are particularly interested in European cases, we also strongly encourage contributions that examine similar processes in other parts of the world—such as Latin America, but we could consider other cases in Africa or Asia—to foster comparative perspectives and transregional dialogues.

We invite paper proposals that address, among others, the following topics:

– Labour regimes and working conditions; state violence and labour discipline; occupational health and safety;
– Industrial relations and collective action: trade unionism, strikes, worker mobilization, and their repression or negotiation by authoritarian regimes;
– The role of mining in economic and political planning under dictatorships: including its ideological instrumentalization in fascist, communist, or military regimes;
– The responses of dictatorial regimes to the environmental impacts of mining and the narratives of progress or sacrifice that justified extractive policies.
– We are especially interested in interdisciplinary approaches that bridge labour history with environmental history, political economy, social history, or the history of science and technology. Contributions may be based on local case studies, national analyses, or comparative and transregional frameworks.

ORGANIZERS

Sanna, Francesca
francesca.sanna@univ-tlse2.fr
Université de Toulouse 2 Jean Jaurès
García Gómez, José Joaquín
josejgg@ual.es
Universidad de Almería
Trescastro-López, Eva María
eva.trescastro@ua.es
Universidad de Alicante
Motherhood and Reproductive Health in a Sardinian Mining Community During the Fascist Regime (Iglesias 1929-1944)

Authors:

Pozzi, Lucia
University of Sassari, Department of Economics and Business
lpozzi@uniss.it

Authors:

Raftakis, Michail
Alma Mater University of Bologna, Department of Statistical Sciences “Paolo Fortunati”
michail.raftakis@unibo.it

Authors:

Ruiu, Gabriele
University of Sassari, Department of Economics and Business
gruiu@uniss.it
The aim of this paper is to investigate motherhood and women's health during pregnancy, childbirth, and the postpartum period in Iglesias, a mining community in southern Sardina (Italy) from the late 1920s through World War WII. We draw on largely underexplored archival sources: in addition to childbirth and abortion/ miscarriage registers, we analyse burial permits and a set of qualitative sources preserved in the Historical Municipal Archive of Iglesias. The period under study was marked by a significant deterioration in economic conditions throughout Italy. We explore the effects of the post-1929 crisis, particularly severe in the mining community of Iglesias, on motherhood and reproductive health, while also assessing the influence of advances in professional obstetric care. Sardinia offers a particularly interesting case, having recorded some of the highest levels of maternal mortality in Italy since the early post-unification period. The evolution of obstetric care on the island has thus far been studied primarily by historians and anthropologists. Our study deepens the health and historical-demographic aspects, employing an interdisciplinary approach that integrates quantitative and qualitative sources.
The Mining Working Class in Alt Berguedà (Barcelona): Labour and living conditions under Francoism

Authors:

Gallego Vila, Laia
University of Barcelona
laiagallegovila@ub.edu

Authors:

Authors:

This proposal examines the material and social conditions of working-class life in the mining region of Alt Berguedà (Catalonia) during the early Francoist period. Located in a mountainous area traversed by the Llobregat River, Alt Berguedà played a key role in Catalonia’s industrialisation through its coal mining industry, closely connected to the urban development of Barcelona. The study explores how industrial capitalism reshaped everyday life in this rural region, focusing on the intersections of class, gender, and domesticity in the living conditions of workers under an authoritarian regime. Using oral histories, documentary sources, and material culture, the research reconstructs the transformation of domestic spaces and territorial organisation during the shift from a pre-industrial to an industrial society. It highlights how the dispossession of the peasantry and the expansion of mining led to new forms of proletarianisation, marked by precarious housing, overcrowding, and social control. The mining colonies and other forms of worker accommodation—ranging from purpose-built housing to self-constructed shacks and temporary barracks—reflected and reinforced social hierarchies and labour dependency. The Francoist regime’s control over housing and space functioned as a disciplinary device, limiting mobility and reinforcing workers’ subordination. Despite the regime’s rhetoric of order and progress, the lived reality was often one of provisionality, hardship, and material deprivation. By analysing the built environment and everyday practices, this paper offers a microhistorical perspective on the broader dynamics of authoritarian industrialisation, revealing how domestic life became a key site of negotiation, adaptation, and resistance in the mining communities of Alt Berguedà.
Wages and living standards in Spanish coal mining during the Franco dictatorship

Authors:

Vallés, Julia A
University of Murcia
julia.valles@um.es

Authors:

Martínez Soto, Ángel P
University of Murcia
apascual@um.es

Authors:

Pérez de Perceval Verde, Miguel Ángel
University of Murcia
perceval@um.es
During General Franco's dictatorship in Spain (1939-1975), one of the strategic sectors that received the most attention was the extraction of mineral resources. After the splendor of mining in the golden age of this sector in Spain (19th-early 20th centuries), the economic nationalism of the time sought to recover some of that activity and that market. This interest is reflected in the fact that the first company founded by the National Institute of Industry, created in 1941, was Empresa Nacional Adaro de Investigaciones Mineras S.A. (National Mining Research Company). Coal played a key role in mining during this period, both in terms of the value it generated and the number of workers employed. Particularly linked to coal, Asturias was by far the main mining province in Spain in the 20th century. This article aims to provide an initial insight into the situation of the Asturian mining workforce during Franco's dictatorship. To do so, we will primarily analyze the detailed labor information on Minas de Lieres preserved in the Hunosa Historical Archive in Langreo. This company exploited coal deposits located in the parish of Lieres in the municipality of Siero, Asturias. This company belonged to the Belgian chemical company Solvay & Cie, which, from the beginning of its involvement in Asturian coal extraction in the early 20th century, developed a specific policy of industrial paternalism (notably, for example, the mining town of Campiello, built in 1905 near the mines). In the 1950s and 1960s, it kept exhaustive records of workers' wages for each category, family situation, prices, family budgets (it analyzed the consumption of a nuclear family of five members), the purchasing power of salaries, and the potential deficit depending on the income of each category and the number of children. In short, a privileged source for analyzing living standards. The objective of this paper is to examine the evolution of wages and living conditions in the Asturian coal mines. Using information from the Lieres company, we describe the labor structure of these mines and the distribution of wages during much of Franco's Spanish dictatorship. To correct for possible bias arising from the particularities of Solvay's management, a comparison is made with wages at other mines in the Asturian basin and with official statistics. We also compare the results with those of another mining company, Rio Tinto Mining Co Ltd., where a detailed study of households and incomes was also conducted from the beginning of the 20th century until the company's nationalization in 1954. The analysis is framed within a period of profound changes in the Spanish economy, the national coal market, and extraction methods, compounded by tensions arising from labor management. All of this allows us to place the experience of Asturian mining within a broader context of socioeconomic transformation and debate about the limits and contradictions of the economy in Franco's Spain.
Women’s Work in Spanish Mining Regions, during First Period of Franco Regime: A Gender Perspective

Authors:

Redfield, Noemi
University of Murcia
noemi.redfieldm@um.es

Authors:

Authors:

This paper analyzes the role of women in Spanish mining regions during the first two decades of Francoism (1939–1959), a period shaped by postwar reconstruction, autarkic policies, and the regime’s restrictive gender ideology. The absence of gender-disaggregated mining statistics after 1940 makes it necessary to turn to alternative sources such as company records, parish registers, local press, and oral testimonies to reconstruct women’s contributions to household and mining economies. Francoism reinforced the notion of female domesticity and promoted the household as women’s “natural” space, yet scarcity and rationing meant they could not be confined to unpaid domestic roles. Women’s labor took many forms, including auxiliary employment in mining companies, unpaid collaboration in family production, boarding and lodging of single miners, cultivation of gardens and small livestock, and participation in local networks of barter and trade. Others engaged in informal domestic service or seasonal jobs tied to company needs. Though absent from official statistics, such activities were crucial to household survival and community stability. Technological change also reshaped women’s employment. The mechanization of ore-sorting, once a largely female task, reduced opportunities for manual labor, while new clerical and service roles such as typists, clerks, and telephone operators offered limited alternatives that did not offset the decline in traditional occupations. The Arnao mine illustrates this continuity. Personnel registers and employment files confirm women’s presence in auxiliary and support tasks despite statistical silence. By adopting a gender and family-budget perspective, this study argues that Francoist autarky did not erase women from mining economies but relegated their work to invisible, informal, and undervalued spaces, making their contribution indispensable for household survival and the reproduction of industrial labor.

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 209

19. Economic and Industrial Democracy

Workplace Democracy in Times of Crisis: War, Reconstruction & Economic Transition

Chair: Sophia Friedel

Since at least the end of the 18th century, social reformers, labor leaders, organized workers, and political movements have promoted democratic control of the workplace, industry, and economic life as a crucial precondition not only for social justice and material security but also for political democracy more generally. In so doing, they have highlighted that when workers and employees lack effective voice at work and control over the labor process, their political participation and formal political equality is seriously curtailed more broadly. Indeed, many have argued that political democracy will fail to materialize or, where it existed, soon experience ‘backsliding’ should democratic rights over work, industry, and the economy be withheld or decline. Against this backdrop, intellectuals, political and trade union actors, and social movements proposed a wide range of theories as well as practical measures that underlined the participation of employees and labor in decision-making as a prerequisite for the sustainability of democratic rule. In light of the current attacks on democratic institutions, we believe that now is the time to re-think what role the improvement and expansion of employee participation in industrial and economic decision-making might play in the fight for the future of our democracies.
Today, growing fears of democratic erosion in the political sphere happen to follow on the heels of a general decline of economic democracy over the last decades. For this reason, we want to explore the role that ‘democracy’ has played in the thinking, organizing, and lived experiences of past and present-day individuals and movements pushing for greater control over individual workplaces, whole industries, and entire economies. Instead of concentrating on how workplace democracy has impacted economic performance, productivity, and employee satisfaction–the focus of much previous research–we want to go to the heart of our subject and ask: whether, how, and why democracy at work strengthens and improves democracy in a variety of other social spheres, from families and civic organizations to local communities, the nation state and the international arena? For this purpose, we are proposing a series of panels that go beyond the historical gaze of our working group’s previous activities.

Panel 3: Workplace Democracy in Times of Crisis: War, Reconstruction & Economic Transition

ORGANIZERS

Philipp Reick
philipp.reick@tu-berlin.de
University of Bochum
Philipp Urban
philipp.urban@ruhr-uni-bochum.de
Ruhr University Bochum
Aurélie Andry
aurelie.andry@eui.eu
University of Bochum
“’A Program of Social Reform’: The National War Labor Board, Wartime Wage Policy, and the Origins of the Great Compression, 1942-1945”

Authors:

Bryant Etheridge
Virginia Military Institute
bletheridge1@gmail.com
abor Board (NWLB). I argue that the NWLB’s wage program is a major story within midcentury United States labor and political history that has gone almost entirely untold. My conference paper would explore working-class participation in the NWLB’s decision-making process. The paper will therefore engage with conference themes related to participatory democracy in specific institutional contexts. The Roosevelt Administration tasked the tripartite NWLB with imposing an anti-inflationary wage policy. Drawing on untapped archival materials, I show that far from hewing closely to its anti-inflation mandate, the board, especially at the regional level, pursued an anti-poverty social policy. At regional offices in Atlanta and Dallas, labor and public board members repeatedly pushed through significant wage increases that contravened official policy. The scale of the gains was staggering. At a time when the federal minimum wage was 30 cents per hour, the Atlanta regional board routinely set 50 cents per hour as the minimum wage in some of the region’s lowest-wage industries. The benefits of these policies redounded to the region’s worst-paid workers, including Black men and women. These facts upend scholarly understanding of the most economically egalitarian moment in U.S. history, the Great Compression of the 1940s. Economists have underscored the importance of supply-and-demand factors in raising the wages of the nation’s worst-paid workers during the 1940s. My research, by contrast, demonstrates that workers and likeminded liberals leveraged the institutional capacity instantiated in the NWLB to transform longstanding patterns of income distribution. In addition, by foregrounding the roles played by federal officials and working-class Americans in causing the Great Compression, my findings call into question scholarly pessimism about the egalitarian potential of federal policy during the Long New Deal period.
From national liberation to social liberation? France's ambitious policy for economic and social democracy (1944-1947)

Authors:

Léo Rosell
Université de Bourgogne/Université Paris Dauphine-PSL
leo.rosell@hotmail.fr
The globalization of the Welfare State following the Declaration of Philadelphia (May 1944) invites a critical examination of the distinctive policy implemented in France. The Liberation represents a key moment in the democratization of French society, characterized by the enlargement of liberal democracy to economic and social democracy. The program of the Resistance exemplifies a commitment to social transformation, particularly through four measures: nationalizations, collective agreements, workplace comittees (comités d’entreprise) and social security. Notably, social security emerged as a cornerstone of France’s economic development throughout the "Trente Glorieuses" . In this context, the figure of Ambroise Croizat provides a prism to understand the unprecedented role assigned to workers’ organizations in shaping social policy. A metalworker from the age of thirteen, secretary of the CGT Metal Federation since 1928, and a Communist deputy since 1936, Croizat served as Minister of Labour and Social Security from November 1945 to May 1947. After the legislation on collective agreements—negotiated between trade unions and employers—he was crucial in championing two additional measures to establish an industrial, economic, and social democracy. On the one hand, the comités d’entreprise, conceived to promote worker participation in the workplace. On the other hand, social security, funded by the value created by labour, aimed at material security and social justice and, last but not least, administered democratically by workers, through "social elections" . A distinctive characteristic of the French social model is precisely this democratic governance, a kind of republican and socialist synthesis of Bismarck and Beveridge systems. To what extent did an alliance between social reformers and the labour movement facilitate this model of economic and social democracy? Did this attempt inaugurate a "French and democratic path to socialism", as Maurice Thorez suggested? How did the Cold War constrain these ambitions? The current leadership of Yolanda Díaz and Jeannette Jara, both Communist Ministers of Labour in Spain and Chile, respectively, also underscores the importance of defending workers’ rights as a means of safeguarding democracy against far-right and neo-fascist movements.
From collective decision-making to individualized participation: The concepts of economic, industrial and enterprise democracy in Finland and Sweden in the 20th century

Authors:

Ilkka Kärrylä
University of Helsinki
ilkka.karryla@helsinki.fi
My paper discusses the relationship between democracy and the economy in contemporary political thought and policy-making. Examining the concepts of economic, industrial and enterprise democracy, it focuses on the history of Finland and Sweden during the twentieth century. The three concepts are discussed drawing on empirical material from various political groups, such as social democrats, conservatives and liberals. Special attention is paid to the reforms and practices – also unrealized ones – the concepts were associated with, such as codetermination and wage-earner funds. This paints a picture of changing political and economic thought in the Nordic countries, and the West more generally. The paper argues that in the latter half of the 20th century, the concept of democracy evolved from representative parliamentary democracy towards individualized ‘participation’ in civil society, the market and – in very limited forms – the workplace. The paper demonstrates how the ideal of individual freedom and choice surpassed collective decision-making in political thought and discourse. At least in part this can be attributed to the influence of neoliberal thought. Shared characteristics between Finland, Sweden and other Western countries challenge the view that the Nordic countries have been exceptional in resisting neoliberalism. Neoliberal conceptions that from the 1970s onwards made their way into political mainstream do not offer much room for democracy in the economy or at the workplace. They seek to introduce consultation at best and guarantee the power and discretion of employers. Instead of people’s role as democratic citizens, neoliberal thought emphasizes their role as free consumers who can cast ‘votes’ on the market every day.

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 208

15. Labour and Empire

Organizing across scales: unions and movements from the local to the transnational

Chair: Thomas van Gaalen

Organising worker resistance within empire, from the local to the transnational.

ORGANIZERS

Nicki Kindersley
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
Cardiff University
Transnational transactions: Labor rebellions in the British West Indies and rising American hegemony, 1930s

Authors:

Gayle, Janette E.
Hobart & William Smith Colleges
GAYLE@hws.edu
The 1930s witnessed a spate of labor rebellions in the British West Indies. Between 1934 and 1939, strikes spread through the British West Indian colonies. These labor rebellions were marked by demands for better wages, better working conditions, and the organization of trade unions. Simultaneous to the labor unrest, the 1930s also witnessed the return of thousands of British West Indian immigrants from the United States where they were exposed to workers’ rights ideas, with some even participating in labor organizing.Studies of union organizing that took place in the wake of the West Indian labor rebellions have focused on the influence of British trade unions. In contrast, my presentation focuses on the movement of BWI immigrant laborers in the United States back to their homelands as an influential locus in their development of workers’ rights ideas. Using data from passenger manifests to identify returnees, U.S. Consular reports from the BWI, and American and BWI newspapers my presentation seeks to answer three questions: First, who were the returnees and what was their affiliation to US labor unions? Second, what labor ideas did they bring back with them? Third, how did the ideas they brought back with them help to shape labor rebellions and organizing in the BWI? By shifting our focus to include American influences, we can expand our understanding of labor relations in the colonies at a pivotal moment as the United States supplanted Britain as the hegemon in the English-speaking West Indies.
The American Left and Empire: An Analysis of Scale

Authors:

Costaguta, Lorenzo
University of Bristol
lorenzo.costaguta@bristol.ac.uk
This paper analyses the coverage of US imperial endeavours in the socialist press from 1900 to 1920. Through a piecemeal analysis of the columns of the International Socialist Review, the Appeal to Reason, the Masses and the Chicago Daily Socialist, the paper will reconstruct the socialist response to the consolidation of the US territorial imperial project in the Philippines, Panama, Puerto Rico, Guam and Cuba.The socialist movement was a crucible of contradictions. Strongly anti-imperialist when in 1898 the United States took part in the US-Cuban war, the movement all but ignored the ensuing violent campaign of conquest that the US carried out until 1905 in the Philippines. While its attention on Cuban politics always remained high, the implications on global trade of the construction of the Panama Canal were hardly acknowledged. The movement famously took a pacifist position during World War One; after 1917, its attention on the global anticolonial movements in India, Southeast Asia and Africa grew stronger. Yet the links between anticolonialism abroad and racism in the United States were rarely explored until the 1920s.In the paper, I will use the concept of scale to put some order in this puzzling picture. Understanding American socialism as a monolithic movement is not helpful; likewise, searching for some cohesion built along party lines, either in the Socialist Party of America or in the Socialist Labor Party, is not an effective strategy. Instead, it’s more useful to embrace the geographical and individual diversity of a movement that was made of many souls and many sensibilities. Focus in different levels of analysis (the individual, the local, the urban, the national and the transnational), once can reconstruct this patchwork and understand the development of American socialist anti-imperialism more fully.
Aboriginal trade unionists and the fight to break the Protection system in 20th Century Australia

Authors:

Gibson, Padraic
University of Technology Sydney
Padraic.Gibson@uts.edu.au
Aboriginal people in Australia lived under a racist statutory regime for much of the 20th century. “Aborigines Protection Acts” denied citizenship rights and empowered authorities in different states to control Aboriginal movement and income, facilitating the hyper-exploitation of Aboriginal labour. In some jurisdictions, such as the Northern Territory, Aboriginal workers were bonded to employers and drastically inferior rates of pay were codified in industrial law. In others, such as NSW, social segregation kept Aboriginal people on the margins of the labour market.Trade unions had contradictory relationship with “Protection”. At the official level, unions embraced the Australian government’s racist commitment to a White Australia. In some places, particularly remote pastoral regions, unions explicitly excluded Aboriginal workers from membership into the 1950s. Unions were also, however, a key vehicle of support for the Aboriginal rights movement from the 1930s onwards, particularly those influenced by the Communist Party of Australia. In the 1960s, trade unions were a decisive social force in the nationwide movement that broke the Protection regime.This paper will explore the central role played by Aboriginal trade unionists in agitating for trade union action that made racist laws unviable. Case studies from three unions in three very different parts of Australia will be examined – the Builders’ Labourers Federation in metropolitan Sydney; the Waterside Workers’ Federation in the regional town of Cairns, North Queensland and the North Australian Workers’ Union in the Northern Territory pastoral industry.
The struggle for unionisation in Colonial India: Madura Textile Workers Union and a Referendum on Union recognition

Authors:

Shobhana Warrier, M. V.
Kamala Nehru College, University of Delhi
shobhanawarrier@gmail.com
The paper examines the emergence of unions in the city of Madurai in South India during the first half of the twentieth century. The management of the Madura Mills, which owned three mills in Madura, nearby Ambasamudram, and Tutucorin, the Harveys, was British.The initial formation of unions was to establish British norms even in the colony. Adherence to the norms of British institutions in the colony took the form of a union favoured by the mill management. It was led by S R V Naidu, who commanded authority over the workers in the the Madura Mill, especially over workers from the Naidu community. The Madura Labour Union was, in fact, known as the Naidu Union. As mills multiplied during the inter-war period, new unions emerged and competed to influence workplace dynamics and decision-making. This led to rivalry for representing labour's interests among unions ranging from those supported by the management to ones patronised by political formations and socialist leaders. One such union, initially led by a popular Congress reformer, Muthuramalinga Thevar, later evolved into the Communist-led Madura Textile Workers Union (MTWU).The emergence of new unions challenged the legitimacy of the management-backed union under SRV Naidu. Which union had the right to champion the workers of the mill was determined, in 1944, by a workers’ referendum. The paper will explore the processes that led to this conflict over union legitimacy, the contestations involved, and the eventual establishment of the MTWU as the legitimate union to represent the workers in front of the management, advancing not only workers’ rights but also democratising power relations at the factory.

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 206

15. Labour and Empire

Maritime labor and precarity in colonial India

Chair: M.V. Shobhana Warrier

Maritime labor and precarity in colonial India.

ORGANIZERS

Nicki Kindersley
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
Cardiff University
Scale and precarity of colonial seamen (1905-1945): ‘the English person loves you when they are in trouble’

Authors:

Cousin, Justine
Université de Caen-Normandie
cousinhg@gmail.com
Liberalization of merchant marine recruitment enabled many colonial seamen to work for British steam shipping companies. These men were cheaper and considered as more tractable and reliable. They were hired on unskilled positions in the three ship departments as white men kept directing them. Working and living conditions were deeply marked by land-based racial segregation. Some of these colonial seamen became headmen who were responsible for recruiting people from their native areas and for disciplining them aboard. This upward social mobility was restricted and colonial headmen kept being considered as inferior to any white man.Colonial seamen came predominantly from the Indian subcontinent – and were called lascars –, but also from other parts of Asia, Eastern Africa around the Aden protectorate, the Sierra Leonean coast, and the West Indies. They were hired for trans-imperial voyages but also for coastal voyages – mostly in Western Africa. Colonial seafarers often came from neighbouring dockside communities or from the same villages – which could be sometimes far away inland as for some lascars. These trans-imperial circulations linked distant territories from the formal and informal British Empire. It was a space-producing activity in which every seaman created a space of his own.White officers and native headmen used severe race-based disciplining of colonial seamen. These men increasingly used their agency to improve their conditions aboard even if very few of them could read and write. Land-based ideologies such as Communism and colonial unions became more influential during the interwar period and the Second World War especially.
Dangerous Work, Broken Bodies: Precarious Employment on the Docks of Colonial Bombay

Authors:

Srivastava, Priyanka
University of Massachusetts
priyanka@history.umass.edu
By the early nineteenth century, Bombay, a port city on the west coast of India, had become a crucial hub of global trade. It functioned as a key connector between different regions of production, trade, and consumption. The expansion of maritime trade in Bombay created demand for a diverse group of laborers—stevedore workers, coolie-laborers, boatmen, carpenters, and construction workers. These workers engaged in port operations ranging from loading and unloading cargoes, to dry docking, dredging, and maintaining ships and equipment. Their collective labor made Bombay a leading port city of the British empire. Focusing specifically on shore laborers who loaded and unloaded cargoes on the docks and in transit warehouses, this paper examines precarious conditions of work. Handling of cargoes was notorious for its physically taxing work and frequency of accidents and injuries, which resulted in the loss of labor power, impoverishment, and death. Did the port authorities make any provisions for workers’ safety, or did the labor surplus economy of colonial Bombay allow them to de-prioritize the safety of cargo handlers? Were there any technological improvements over time, which made labor processes safer? Based on analyses of 19th- and early 20th-century labor records, Bombay Port Trust documents, and newspaper reports, this study analyzes continuities and changes in labor processes and technological and legal shifts pertaining to workplace safety, compensation, and dock workers’ health. The broader objectives are to understand the workings of colonial labor markets, the limits of labor laws, and the human cost of global capitalist enterprises.
The Making of the Dock Workers Act, 1948

Authors:

Maganti, Rahul
University of Göttingen
rahulmaganti94@gmail.com
This is the first chapter of my PhD project which is about the changing labour relations in the Bombay Port from 1945 to the present. It particularly concentrates on the years between the end of World War II and the moment of Indian Independence. As shipping became capital intensive with the rise of steamships, efforts were made during the inter-war years to create a stable supply of dock workforce, which was casual till then. The increased trade during the war years and the ensuing congestion in South Asian ports, particularly Bombay which was at the centre of war efforts, forced the shipping companies and the Port Trust to introduce temporary social security measures at the behest of the colonial state to improve efficiency and productivity. After a dockworkers strike in 1945 amidst a slump in trade and clamour for work, these measures were formalized through a legislation called The Dock Workers (Regulation of Employment) Act, 1948 which institutionalized the social security measures for a specific section of the dockworkers who were integral to the cargo handling process. This meant that a segmented dock workforce – formalized, decasualized, partially decasualized, casual – was created and multiple parallel labour regimes existed together in the same space.This story is connected to both the central questions of the conference – scale and precarity. Scale because ‘decasualization’ as a form of labour relation is not particular to South Asian ports though its content varied through local specificities. This would give us insights into intersection of the local, national and the global scales of maritime capitalism. Precarity because the above form of labour regulation had a lasting impact on subsequent labour regimes in South Asia, particularly influencing the Mathadi Workers Act, 1969 and Contract Labour Act, 1970. Such an analysis would help us to understand how the above labour regimes have roots in the colonial labour divisions and how these labour regimes were changing to accommodate the necessities of post-colonial capital accumulation.

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 204

2. European Trade Unionism

1. Workers, Labour and Labour History in Modern Central-East Europe

Emilio Gabaglio: An Italian, European and international trade union leader (1937-2024) Roundtable

Chair: Sigfrido Ramírez Pérez

sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu

MMC-Université libre de Bruxelles

Discussants:

Claude Roccati

This session includes three separate papers dealing with the trajectory of Emilio Gabaglio (1937-2024) as trade union leader. For nearly 50 year Emilio Gabaglio has been a key witness and actor of the transformations of European and International trade unionism. As former International Secretary of the Italian Confederation of Trade Unions (CISL) and later secretary general of the European Trade Union Confederation, his action and thought has marked the existing structures of European and International trade unions in a very specific way. This second session which will include some trade unionists who have collaborated with him from different positions. They will testimony about his specific conceptions of trade unionism and European integration.

ORGANIZERS

Sigfrido Ramirez Pérez
sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu
Mondes Modernes et Contemporaines, Université Libre de Bruxelles
Emilio Gabaglio and the building of Social Europe: an oral history project of the European Trade Union Institute (ETUI)

Authors:

Christophe Degryse
European Trade Union Institute
CDegryse@etui.org
This presentation will introduce the oral history project elaborated for the 50th anniversary of the ETUC. In particular it will present synthetic conclusions and extracts of the 8-hours interview carried out by the ETUI researchers with Emilio Gabaglio, former secretary general of the ETUC. It will serve to launch the discussion in a round-table with former trade union leaders who have collaborated with him at different stages of his long trajectory as trade union leader from the CISL to the European Trade Union Confederation.
Emilio Gabaglio and the Unión SIndical Obrera (USO).

Authors:

Manuel Zaguirre
Former Secretary General of USO
manusoliuso@gmail.com
This presentation will discuss the relationship that Emilio Gabaglio developed with the clandestine trade union, Union Sindical Obrera, which was during the Francoist dictatorship the second more prominent trade union movement of the country. It shared with the Italian CISL and French CFDT a similar approach to trade unionism which made very easy the cooperation with the international secretary of the CISL, Emilio Gabaglio. This paper will discuss also the enduring relationship which Gabaglio had with the USO during the time in which Zaguirre was secretary-general of USO from the 1970s to 2000s.
Emilio Gabaglio and Comisiones Obreras: an enduring relationship since the 1970s

Authors:

Carles Vallejo Calderón
CCOO de Catalunya
vallejo.carles@gmail.com
This presentation will introduce the relationship that Emilio Gabaglio developed with Comisiones Obreras from the transition to the access of CCOO to the European Confederation of Trade Unions in 1990. As representative in clandestinity of the delegation of external affairs of CCOO (DECO)and in charge of liasing with the trade union movements in Italy, Vallejo met Emilio Gabaglio during the times of unity of action of the Italian trade unions during the 1970s. This relationship developed later during the failed request for accession of CCOO to the ETUC in 1981 in which the Catalan federation of CCOO played a pioneering role. This relationship took a new turn when Vallejo became, in 1986, the first member of the economic and social committee of the EU appointed by Comisiones Obreras to the Workers’ Group of the Committee.

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 219

10. Military Labour

Organising Soldiers I: Unionisation, Collective Bargaining, and Activism

Chair: Alexandros Touloumtzidis

altouloum@gmail.com

University of Patras

This panel explores the ways in which soldiers have collectively organised to influence their working conditions, reform the military from within, and drive broader social change. A key focus is on situating soldiers’ collective action within the broader framework of labour history. The session will explore how military service intersects with labour rights, industrial action, and workplace organising, highlighting the position of soldiers as both military workers and state agents. Through examples from Sweden, the European Council of Conscripts Organisations (ECCO), and Vietnam War veterans, we can deepen our understanding of how soldiers have navigated the tensions between discipline, duty, and labour activism to shape their conditions of service and contribute to wider struggles for workers’ rights and social justice.

ORGANIZERS

Alexandros Touloumtzidis
altouloum@gmail.com
University of Patras
Fia Cottrell-Sundevall
fia.cottrell-sundevall@su.se
Stockholm University
A trade union for soldiers? Democratization and participation in the Swedish conscript army

Authors:

Anders Ahlbäck
Stockholm University
anders.ahlback@historia.su.se
This paper outlines a proposed research project examining democratisation processes within the Swedish military during the 20th century. The project will focus on the how a new conscription movement with features of trade union organisation eventually emerged from the 1960s onwards.Adopting a long-term perspective, we examine the shifts between conflict and cooperation within the context of evolving notions of democracy and participation. How was the legitimacy of conscription questioned, preserved, and strengthened through shifting confrontations, negotiations, and adjustments?The project's sub-studies analyse:- how political youth organisations questioned military training on the basis of both socialist anti-militarism and liberal peace idealism - why the Social Democratic Youth League initiated a compromise-oriented dialogue with the military - how conscript activist groups sought to improve service conditions and voice dissent within a security-oriented military institution.The project will pay particular attention to processes of negotiation and co-optation as strategies used by military and government authorities in order manage dissent from civil society and conscript activists. This will deepen historical understanding of how and why the armed forces came to be at least partly covered by the logic of civil society in terms of co-determination, gender equality, and work environment legislation.
Politicising the Barracks: The European Council of Conscripts Organisations and the Struggle for Labour Rights in Late-Cold War Mandatory Military Service

Authors:

Fia Cottrell-Sundevall
Stockholm University
fia.cottrell-sundevall@su.se
This paper examines the European Council of Conscripts Organisations (ECCO), a transnational network founded in 1979 that sought to politicise conscript military service by reframing it as a contested form of labour. At a time when conscription was still widely legitimised as patriotic duty, ECCO offered a radically different perspective: that conscripts formed a category of coerced, unprotected workers whose labour—whether in combat support, logistics, or economic tasks—deserved recognition under civilian labour law. ECCO developed a broad labour-rights framework that challenged the ideological and legal separation between military obligation and wage labour.Drawing on congress materials, newsletters, and legal submissions from ECCO’s archive, the paper (1) explores the organisation’s key conceptual interventions and strategic alliances, (2) analyses how ECCO appealed to international bodies such as the ILO and the Council of Europe, invoking the 1930 Forced Labour Convention to argue that conscription for economic labour under military discipline met the criteria for forced labour. While ECCO did not fully adopt ILO definitions, its language and demands echoed global critiques of unfree state labour.The presentation will also address ECCO’s engagement with gender politics. A 1988 thematic intervention on women in the military revealed both an emerging critique of masculinised military institutions and a tension between demands for equality and critiques of coercion. Although ECCO’s archetypal “soldier-worker” remained largely male, internal debates increasingly explored the intersection of gender, militarism, and labour rights.By studying ECCO’s internal debates and outward campaigns, the paper positions conscript organising as a significant episode in late twentieth-century labour history—one that broadens our understanding of workplace activism, transnational solidarity, and the struggle to extend democratic labour norms into institutions traditionally governed by hierarchy and force.
Veteran activism and advances in psychiatric treatment of military veterans from the Vietnam War

Authors:

Olli Siitonen
University of Helsinki
olli.siitonen@helsinki.fi
The Vietnam War (1965–1975) is rather well known for the anti-war movement to end American involvement and public revelations of atrocities towards Vietnamese people. The rising opposition lead to organization of soldiers who began to speak their minds and share their painful experiences of war. This paper combines analysis of veteran activism and public testimonies with simultaneous developments in psychiatric treatment of military veterans.Many veterans were struggling after returning home to the United States and some of them sought meaning for their pain in direct action against the war they had fought. This gave birth to organizations such as the Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) who found allies among psychiatrists such as Robert Lifton who were driving towards social change and the end of the war in Vietnam. This led to formation of group therapy sessions known to the veterans as rap groups that sparked research and development of concepts such as Post-Vietnam Syndrome and delayed stress. These were later combined and added into American Psychiatric Association’s diagnostic manual DSM-III in 1980 as Posttraumatic stress disorder.Among other activities, VVAW arranged hearings where veterans testified participating in atrocities during their service in the Vietnam War. One such event dubbed as the Winter Soldier Investigation took place in Detroit in early 1971 and became famous after a film release that showed dozens of veterans testifying their violent Vietnam experiences.This paper combines graphic testimonies from the Winter Soldier hearings with analysis of psychiatric research in the 1970s which lead to novel concepts that have defined treatment of veterans in 2000s. It argues that less known medical professionals working with veterans laid the foundations for the ideas of Moral disengagement and Moral injury decades before these concepts were established and brought into public awareness.

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 219

20. Guild and artisan labor

On the Road of Craft: Journeymen Across Cities and Workshops

Chair: Figueras, Jan

janfiguerasgibert@gmail.com

U. Barcelona

Discussants:

Rosenband, Leonard
leonard.rosenbrand@usu.edu
Utah State U.

This session explores the condition and role of journeymen within artisanal cultures of pre-industrial guild systems. Particular attention is given to forms of collective association, the internal hierarchies between apprentices, journeymen, and masters, and the rituals that marked transitions between stages of the craft career. Journeymen emerge as key figures in shaping practices of solidarity, defending professional rights, and building collective identities—whether through legal and regulatory mechanisms or through symbolic rituals and representations. The analysis highlights how guilds functioned as instruments of social negotiation, spaces of spiritual and moral cohesion, and adaptable institutions responding to political, cultural, and economic transformations, with journeymen providing a privileged lens for understanding artisanal labor dynamics, collective organization, and the interplay between craft culture, political authority, and social change.

ORGANIZERS

von Briesen, Brendan J.
brendan.vonBriesen@ub.edu
U. Barcelona
Grassi, Mario
mariograssi992@gmail.com
U. Padua
Journeymen Guilds in Barcelona (XVIII-XIX): Evidence of Early Trade Unionism

Authors:

von Briesen, Brendan J.
U. Barcelona
brendan.vonbriesen@ub.edu
The journeymen guilds of Barcelona represent an almost unique case of early trade unions in the Ancien Régime, deserving attention beyond Spanish historiography. The dominant definition of a trade union, formulated by Sidney and Beatrice Webb in The History of Trade Unionism (1894; revised 1920), described such organizations as “a continuous association of wage earners for the purpose of maintaining and improving the conditions of their employment.” Unlike most of Europe (except Italy), Spain never prohibited journeymen associations, even when they engaged directly in labor negotiations. These negotiations could take place with masters under government oversight, in the courts, or through collective action in workshops and on city streets. A central strategy was to secure control over labor supply, either through monopolies or preferential hiring. To enforce these practices, journeymen guilds created the membership card (papeleta), which allowed them to monitor employment. Inspectors (veedores) from the journeymen guilds regularly checked shops to ensure compliance, imposing fines on masters who hired outside the guild system. In this way, journeymen constructed city-wide closed shops that strengthened their collective power. By examining the diverse journeymen guilds of Barcelona and their organizational practices, this study highlights the importance of these associations as precursors to modern trade unions. Their experience demonstrates how workers in pre-industrial Europe could create durable, city-wide institutions for defending labor interests and negotiating with employers—well before the rise of mechanized industry.
From Solidarity to Statutes: Journeymen’s Guilds in Ancien Régime Italy

Authors:

Grassi, Mario
U. Padua
mario.grassi@unipd.it
The proposed paper examines the journeymen’s guilds (università dei lavoranti), a legally recognized form of collective association in ancien régime Italy that has often been overlooked in international historiography. Focusing on the cases of Rome and Turin, it shows that these guilds were not merely religious confraternities or clandestine networks, but institutions with official statutes, systems of mutual aid, and mechanisms for defending professional rights. The study weaves together the history of language, institutional history, and socio-economic history, highlighting how laws and privileges granted “from above” intersected with social practices and negotiations “from below.” It further demonstrates that the suppression of guilds after the French Revolution and during Italian reforms did not represent a sharp break, but rather a complex process of transition. In this way, the Italian case helps to reassess historiographical narratives centered on Northern Europe and underscores the crucial role of legality and the corporate idiom in shaping the earliest forms of workers’ associations.
What Do We Know about Journeymen in Imperial Russia?

Authors:

Beilinson, Orel
Bar-llan University
orel.beilinson@biu.ac.il
The Crafts Ordinance of 1799 established a tripartite labor hierarchy in Imperial Russia: apprentices, podmaster’e (submasters or journeymen), and masters. While apprentices and masters have received some attention, the podmaster’e remain largely unexplored. This paper advances my broader project of writing a Eurasian history of journeymanship—and, by extension, of guilds—that moves beyond Western European models typically imposed on the Ottoman and Russian Empires. I trace the meanings and functions of podmaster’e in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century fiction, newspapers, and statistical records. My analysis distinguishes podmaster’e from apprentices (ucheniki) and workshop supervisors (smotriteli). It situates their representation in relation to authors’ likely points of reference, whether real-life experience, Western literary models, or contemporary historiography. The paper pays close attention to chronology and geography. While Soviet historiography was all too eager to discuss German rather than Russian guilds, historians working on the Soviet periphery, especially in Central Asia, proposed useful models for understanding the transformation of the bipartite (apprentice–master) structure into a tripartite one. The paper maps appearances of podmaster'e across imperial territories to consider the importance of industrialization, which might have created floor supervisors disguised terminologically as journeymen, and cultural transfer. It pays some attention, therefore, to the origin of the 1799 Regulations, to the ubiquity of the term in translations from Polish, and to late imperial craft regulations promulgated in the South Caucasus.
Şed Kuşanma' (Girding Ceremony) as a Journeyman's Initiation: A Comparative Analysis of Its Representation in Hagiographies (Menâkıbnâme) and Festival Books (Surnâme)

Authors:

Keleş, Okan
Istanbul University
okan.keles@istanbul.edu.tr
The “şed kuşanma” ceremony, symbolizing the transition from apprenticeship to journeyman status in the Ottoman guild system, holds central importance both as a professional promotion and a spiritual initiation ritual. Although the social and professional functions of this ritual have been addressed in historical studies, comparative analyses of its representations in different literary genres and studies on the layers of meaning revealed by these representations are limited. This paper aims to reveal the dual nature of the ritual—both spiritual-internal and political-public—by comparing its depictions in menâkıbnâmeler (biographies of saints) and surnâmeler (descriptions of imperial celebrations). This study presents a text-focused comparative analysis. The primary sources to be examined are menâkıbnâmeler attributed to guild masters such as Ahi Evran and surnâmeler from the reigns of Murad III and Ahmed III, which contain detailed descriptions of guild processions. These selected texts will be examined comparatively in terms of how they present the shawl-wearing ceremony, the symbols they use, and the narrative context in which they place the ceremony. Preliminary analyses show that in the menakibnamas, the shedd-kuşanma ceremony is framed as an esoteric and sacred act through which spiritual grace and professional ethics are transferred from the master to the apprentice. These texts emphasize the internal and spiritual dimensions of the ritual. In contrast, surnâmeler represent the same ceremony as a public display showcasing the guild's place in the social hierarchy, its economic power, and its loyalty to the sultan, as part of an imperial celebration. Here, the emphasis is on the external, performative, and political aspects of the ritual. The findings show that a single artisan ritual acquires different meanings and takes on multiple functions depending on the literary context in which it is presented. The shedd-kuşanma ceremony served, on the one hand, to reinforce guild solidarity and spiritual values, and on the other hand, as a tool that regulated the guild’s relationship with political authority and represented its power in the public sphere. This study aims to contribute to the understanding of Ottoman artisan culture by emphasizing the critical role of literary representations in negotiating and shaping the meaning of guild rituals.

08:30–10:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 205

3. Workplaces: pasts and presents

Arteries of Power: How States and Empires Shape Labor and Nature

Chair: Nico Pizzolato

n.pizzolato@mdx.ac.uk

Middlesex University

Matt Myers, University of Oxford, Water Workers, Ecological Systems, and the British State, 1870-present

Anna Sailer, CeMIS – Georg-August-Universität, Göttingen, Transplanting the Forest Workscape from Germany to India

Thomas Max Safley, University of Pennsylvania, The Ecology Of Production In Extractive Industry: Mercury Mining, The Mercury Trade And The Political Economy At Idrija In The Mid-Sixteenth Century

Chantal Croteau, Empty Hands: Intimacy, Precarity and Ecological Change in Phang Nga’s final days of Tin

ORGANIZERS

Nico Pizzolato
n.pizzolato@mdx.ac.uk
Middlesex University

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 207

13. Speak, Look, Listen! The Cultural

(I) Corporeality, emotions, and cultural practices: Interwar avant-garde performance and workers’ movement in central Europe and the Baltic states

Chair: Martin Bernátek

martin.bernatek@upol.cz

Palacký University Olomouc, Czechia

In our panel, we aim to discuss methodological, heuristic, and curatorial aspects of the shift in labour histories—from a focus on working-class politics and, more generally, on labour as a key element of class or group constitution—towards an emphasis on the politics of cultural practices. We understand workers’ culture not as a fixed ideological expression, but as an array of lived and staged practices—such as choirs, sport activities, emotionally charged commemorative events, amateur theatre or political festivals—that shaped class consciousness through the body and the senses. We are particularly interested in histories that connect or highlight the aesthetics of working-class politics, and that explore art as a form of social practice.
Our focus is primarily on Central Europe and the Baltic States during the loosely defined interwar period, while also considering longer processes and key turning points. We are especially interested in corpo-emotional modes of practice involved in building workers’ communities: their self-awareness, collectively created dreams and visions.
In our double panel, we will focus on the following themes:
(1) Body and emotions in workers’ culture: How was the workers’ movement energized by specific emotional dispositifs? How were feelings such as hope or anger manifested, regulated, and interpreted within workers’ cultural practices?
(2) Cultural practices as sites of political struggle: How can workers’ culture be understood as an alternative public sphere beyond Habermas’s model? How did workers’ associations cooperate with other collectives, youth organizations, educational initiatives, co-operatives etc. in producing shared cultural space? How did avant-garde art circles relate to the working class? How did they collaborate in practice, and what aesthetic models emerged from these interactions? How was culture a sphere for building larger anti-fascist alliances? And how was workers’ culture in interwar central Europe and the Baltic states shaped by transnational and global connections?
(3) Visibility of working class histories today: How is historiography of workers’ culture shaped by the geopolitical positioning of research and how does the “canon of Western labour history” operate within it? What methodological challenges, stereotypical frameworks, or biases affect the study of labour in relation to art, emotions, and performance? How can the embodied and emotional dimensions of labour history be made visible today—in archives, exhibitions, performances, and education—and how will such efforts challenge existing curatorial conventions and political imaginaries?

ORGANIZERS

Bernátek Martin
martin.bernatek@upol.cz
Martin Bernátek, Palacký University Olomouc, Czechia
Spitaler Georg
georg.spitaler@vga.at
Verein für Geschichte der ArbeiterInnenbewegung, Austria
Choral Aesthetics and Political Identity: The 1931 Workers’ Olympiad in Vienna and Avant-Garde Performance

Authors:

Martin Bernátek
Department of Theatre and Film Studies at Palacký University Olomouc, Czech Republic
martin.bernatek@upol.cz
This research examines the 1931 Second International Workers’ Olympiad in Vienna and Stephan Hock’s mass performance Idol of Capital as a convergence of avant-garde art, socialist ideals, and labor culture. It explores the “choreopolitics” of the Olympiad: how collective choreography and choral performance embodied political ideologies, mobilized emotions, and shaped workers’ identities in “Red Vienna.” Drawing on theories of emotional regimes, the project analyzes how large-scale performances created affective communities. By focusing on workers’ culture as exemplified by the Olympiad, it shows how histories of leftist labor culture can offer alternative perspectives on the contemporary working class, often associated with nationalism and illiberalism.
A haunting image of workers’ sports: “Fascism will never score a goal in red Vienna!”

Authors:

Georg Spitaler
Austrian Labor History Society (VGA); Department of Political Science at the University of Vienna
georg.spitaler@vga.at
The paper focuses on a photograph that has long been associated with the 2nd Workers’ Olympiad in Vienna (1931), but originates from the 1930 Austrian Parliamentary election campaign and was first published in the social democratic illustrated magazine Der Kuckuck. The image shows a march of workers’ footballers in Red Vienna, their banners promising to prevent the triumph of the fascists. “The workers’ football players guarantee this.” A surviving film document shows that the workers’ athletes also presented their banners at the 1932 May Day festival of the Austrian Workers’ Association for Sports and Physical Culture (ASKÖ) in Vienna’s Prater Stadium. But things turned out differently: the fascists won the political battle in Vienna, turning the game with the use of violence. The paper reconstructs the emotional-political context of the image and describes concepts of the political and apolitical in interwar physical culture. It then presents the image’s history of reception, from its rediscovery in the context of 1980s labour history to contemporary artistic projects of the “living archive.” The image also invites us to more general reflections on how to deal with objects and archives of labour history after 1989: In the face of the return of authoritarian populism, the image’s “punctum” (Roland Barthes) may cause a kind of backward-looking “left melancholy” (Wendy Brown), but it can also serve as a medium for a “hauntological” séance with the ghosts of a past future (Mark Fisher), reminding us of a promise that did not come to pass yet.Georg Spitaler is a researcher at the Austrian Labor History Society (VGA) and teaches at the Department of Political Science at the University of Vienna. His publications include books, edited volumes and articles on labor history, political theory, cultural studies and political aspects of sports.
The Cultural Vanguard of Workers’ Movements: A Social History of the East Central European Avant-Garde between the Two Wars

Authors:

Gábor Dobó
MNMKK–Petőfi Literary Museum–Kassák Museum, Budapest
kassakmuzeum@pim.hu
The presentation introduces my ERC Starting Grant project The Cultural Vanguard of Workers’ Movements: A Social History of the East Central European Avant-Garde between the Two Wars (ProletGard), launching in 2026. The talk reflects on the methodological and theoretical stakes of studying the entanglements of workers’ culture, labor movements, and the avant-garde in East-Central Europe. By engaging with questions of circulation, readership, and the cultural politics of avant-garde journals, the paper situates the project related to ongoing discourses on cultural practices as sites of political struggle.

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 206

Key notes, general assembly and special sessions

Project Presentation. DICOTRAV. A Historical Critical Dictionary of the Worlds of labour

Discussants:

Corine Maitte
corine.maitte@univ-mliv.fr
Gustave Eiffel University, President AFHMT
Nicoletta Rolla
University of Turin, President SISLav
Anna Pellegrino
anna.pellegrino@unibo.it
University of Bologna, Member SISLav

The DicoTrav project (Working Title) is a historical-critical, digital, and multilingual dictionary
devoted to the worlds of work in Europe from antiquity to the present day. Developed through a
collaboration between the Association française d’histoire des mondes du travail (AFHMT) and
the Società Italiana di Storia del Lavoro (SISLav), the project builds on a long-standing
historiographical dialogue between French and Italian scholarly traditions and aims to create a
shared research tool of broad scientific scope. However, it aims to encompass different European
areas and create a common research tool with broad scientific scope.
The dictionary will be published exclusively in digital, open-access format and will be available in
three languages (French, Italian, and English). Thanks to its digital architecture, DicoTrav will be
continuously updatable and open to future geographical and thematic extensions, fostering the
involvement of an expanding international network of scholars.
Addressed to a wide audience – from students and researchers to professionals interested in issues
related to work – DicoTrav responds to the growing need for a historiographical synthesis capable of
integrating recent developments in the field, such as global labour history, gender history of work
relations, forced labour studies, the social history of labour law, and the history of
deindustrialisation, among others. The project is structured around three main methodological
pillars: a source-based approach, with particular attention to historical contexts and temporalities; a
historiographical approach, emphasising scholarly debates and controversies; a linguistic approach,
aimed at reconstructing the genealogy of labour-related terms, their semantic variations, and their
circulation across different European contexts.
The presentation will outline the scientific objectives of the project, its digital architecture, and its
future perspectives, highlighting the role of DicoTrav as a tool for research, synthesis, and
dissemination in the history of the worlds of work.
Scientific Committee:  Corine Maitte, Nicoletta Rolla, Xavier Vigna, Pietro Causarano, Federico
Del Giudice, Nicolo’ Mignemi, Anna Pellegrino, Ferruccio Ricciardi, Matthieu Scherman, Virginia
Amorosi, Christel Freu, Vincent Demont.Book Presentation

ORGANIZERS

Anna Pellegrino
anna.pellegrino@unibo.it
University of Bologna, Member SISLav

08:30–10:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 220

4. Feminist Labour History

17. Labour Migration History

Women’s migration and shifting boundaries of productive/reproductive work

This session focuses on histories of migrant women’s labour by exploring shifting boundaries between spaces of productive and reproductive labour in different parts of the Global North and the Global South. The session addresses interconnections between work happening in private and public spaces across the globe, and in spaces situated at the core and even beyond the margins of the world of work.

ORGANIZERS

Nadia Latif
nl2021@caa.columbia.edu
Mount Holyoke College
Eszter Varsa
VarsaE@ceu.edu
Central European University
“My Wife Did Not Work!” Precarity and the extraction of reproductive labour connecting Beirut and Burj al-Barajneh refugee camp (1950s-1960s)

Authors:

Latif, Nadia
Mount Holyoke College
nl2021@caa.columbia.edu
Analyses of long-term refugee camps in the Global South led by conceptualizations of “encampment” treat camps as “spaces of exception” whose inhabitants are reduced to “bare life” by the host nation-states and humanitarian aid organizations that administer those spaces. These analyses raise important questions about the exercise of power in spaces ostensibly guided by a humanitarian rationality. However, their treatment of the different entities involved in humanitarian governance as working seamlessly together toward a unified goal of disciplining and containing refugees, obscures ways in which formal restrictions on refugee mobility and labour have been negotiated and circumvented in practice. This paper proposes the concept of reproductive labour as a lens through which to examine the social relationships of unequal exchange that emerge between long-term refugee camps and their host nation-state environs. Drawing on oral histories of first- and second-generation Palestinian refugees living in an urban camp in Beirut, the paper examines first-generation men and women’s precarious employment in day labour and domestic work in middle and upper-class, Lebanese and Palestinian, households and small enterprises before the outbreak of the Lebanese civil war in 1975. The refugees’ accounts highlight the ways in which the necessity of engaging in this work, in order to ensure the survival of the household, shaped the organization of reproductive labour in the camp. The accounts also provide valuable information about how women’s experiences of waged precarious labour outside the home is remembered by women and men of the first and second generations, contributing to a collective view that a gendered division between waged and reproductive labour is a desired ideal.
Ah, combien notre amour maternel est imparfait ici bas! » - Women’s Unseen Work and Revolutionary Motherhood in 1848

Authors:

Morosan Ioana
Research Institute of the University of Bucharest
ioana.morosan@inst-calinescu.ro
The context of the 1848 uprisings highlights the limits of women’s access to professional occupations, influenced by revolutionary ideas about the role of family and women in the Principality of Wallachia. The exile after the suppression of the uprisings led families to move abroad to Paris, Vienna, or Brussels, which affected the gendered division of labour. Interactions among revolutionary families from Wallachia, Transylvania, France, and Belgium show how revolutionary discourse impacted motherhood and women's roles, depending on local perceptions of family and maternal responsibilities. Therefore, the research aims to identify key ideas and authors that inspired revolutionary thought to expand the role of mothers in caring for and educating their children within a political framework. It also examines mothers’ attitudes toward these new roles and how they accepted or rejected them. The case study focuses on women involved in the 1848 revolts as partners of the Wallachian revolutionaries, such as Maria Rosetti (1819-1893), Pia Brătianu (1841-1920), Zinca Golescu (1792-1879), and Adèle Dumesnil (1829-1854). The primary sources include intimate correspondence and magazine articles written by these women on maternal experience, children’s education, and household work. This study argues that the revolutionary discourse of 1848 both expanded and constrained women's roles, as ideals of maternal responsibility were mobilized to justify their pivotal housework and exclusion from professional and public life.Mothers’ responsibilities, which acquired a totalizing character at the time, such as breastfeeding and overseeing education, were viewed as a social norm. Yet, they often lacked the support or resources to fully realize the maternal role, a fact that affects them and makes them feel worthless. Women's access to the public sphere was not only guaranteed by legislation and increased opportunities but also by their work within the family, which was transformed into a social mission and a public discourse via magazines, writings, etc. The research consists of two major parts: firstly, I attempt to identify how studies such as Louis Aimé Martin’s book (The Education of Mothers [De l'éducation des mères de familles, ou de la civilisation du genre humain], first published in 1834, and translated into Romanian in the 1840s) and others influenced women’s perception concerning their expanded role as mother and housekeeper; and secondly, how they publicly speak about intimate aspects of women’s life in the first magazines dedicated to motherhood and household occupations. On the other hand, the study follows how their male revolutionary partners vehiculated the theories regarding the role of mothers and how that influenced the public discourse.The research begins with fundamental questions about women's conditions and access to professional life during their apparent emancipation. The analysis asks: How has the definition of domestic work evolved? How has the definition of motherhood broadened? And to what extent did women's ambitions for progress and emancipation during that period mask practices that restricted their access to the public sphere and socially accepted professional roles that could provide socio-economic mobility and prestige?
The female domestic servant as a subject of moral regulation in urban Iceland

Authors:

Svava Tómasdóttir, Kristín
Independent scholar
kristinsvava@googlemail.com
The urbanization of Iceland around the turn of the 20th century followed a trajectory similar to that of other Western European countries. A high proportion of those migrating from the countryside were women seeking work opportunities in the seashore towns and villages. Many of these women became live-in domestic servants in urban homes. Domestic service had certain advantages, such as food and board. Nevertheless, most women preferred other lines of work, the main reason being the servant’s long and irregular working hours and the mistress’ constant surveillance of her subordinate, on the job and often in her free time as well. Not only the servant’s work was under scrutiny but her character, behaviour and appearance.Moral regulation had been an intimate part of the master-servant relationship under the system of compulsory service in Iceland. By the end of the 19th century, this paternalistic view of the master-servant relationship was slowly giving way to a more contractual view and emerging notions of personal liberty. Urban female domestic servants, however, were a group still considered in urgent need of regulation and surveillance. The moral welfare of young, single, working-class women was a constant source of anxiety and the sexuality of female servants specifically was considered suspect. Sometimes they were portrayed as victims, who might be led astray into promiscuity or prostitution, sometimes as perpetrators, spreading venereal disease and moral corruption. Mistresses held an important role in the moral regulation and surveillance of their female servants. Unlike the traditional rural farm, the urban home was first and foremost a place of female labour, where mistress and servant worked in close proximity. As such, it was a site of complex power relations between women, marked by differences in e.g. age and class.Drawing on diverse primary sources, the paper examines how ideals of the moral regulation of female servants played out at the household level in urban Iceland in the first half of the 20th century. Special attention is given to the significance of domestic space and evolving notions of privacy, as the common living space of the traditional turfhouse baðstofa was replaced by modern homes, characterized by separate rooms and a growing separation between family and servants. The analysis will pay heed to the agency of both servant and mistress, since servants were neither without power nor was their mistresses’ power without limits. Many mistresses felt that they themselves were under surveillance, and that the servant’s presence in the home threatened their own authority as well as the family’s privacy.
“My mother never worked:” Polish immigrant women’s labors in the early twentieth-century United States

Authors:

Kuźma-Markowska, Sylwia
University of Warsaw
s.kuzma@uw.edu.pl
Turn-of-the-twentieth-century migration form the Polish lands to the United States was labor migration. It involved mostly people of peasant background, heading to “America” to ameliorate their life conditions and shift the fate of their families. In the dominant popular and historiographical discourses, the Polish migrant was a man, oftentimes single, seeking economic opportunities at the other side of the Atlantic in Pennsylvania’s mines, Chicago’s slaughterhouses, or Cleveland’s foundries. “The Polish people are workers” – stressed 1919 publication of an American sociologist. The history of the Polish migration to the US has been hence the history of work presented as a motivation of migration and mostly a masculine endeavor. Polish immigrant women were regarded as the ones who did not work, at least after marriage, while the different paid and unpaid labors they performed at home and beyond it were largely neglected in scholarly and popular narratives.This paper studies perception and practices of Polish female immigrants’ paid labors, focusing on married women and labors they performed for money in their homes and in other spaces. As the gendered family ideal that the Polish immigrant community aspired to expected from women to resign from paid labor after becoming married, married women and their families oftentimes stressed in their narratives that they “never worked.” The economic situation of Polish immigrants and characteristics of the work market in the early twentieth century United States however oftentimes necessitated married women’s paid contributions to family economy. If not a sizable number of married women engaged in wage labor, they brought money to their family budgets sewing artificial flowers at home, keeping boarders, running saloons and stores in their houses and outside of them.To fully comprehend financial input of Polish married immigrant women to the household economy, I analyze five types of income identified by Immanuel Wallerstein as generic in the modern world-system: wage income, transfer payments, subsistence activity, “petty commodity production” (homework), and “rent,” in case of Polish immigrant women tantamount to keeping boarders. Relying on oral histories, letters, memoirs, and documents created by American social organizations, I focus on how Polish-American women defined “work” and how they interpreted their engagements into paid labor and its impact on familial relations and gendered social hierarchies. I examine how did Polish-American women from different social backgrounds reconciled paid work with household and childrearing responsibilities, and what was the role of daughters in family economy.

09:00–10:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 209

12. Workers' Education

Gender Perspectives on Workers’ Education

Chair: Jonas Söderqvist

jonas.soderqvist@arbark.se

Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library

Workers’ education, organized by and for the working class, historically served multiple and overlapping purposes. It sought to compensate for the limited access to formal education available to many workers, offering a bridge to higher education and a pathway to social mobility. At the same time, it provided cultural empowerment, enabling the working class to create and preserve its own intellectual and cultural traditions. Just as importantly, workers’ education functioned as a foundation for political education, equipping participants with the skills to manage organizations, represent labor parties in parliaments, and engage with ideological debates. Across countries, these initiatives have taken diverse forms, including labor colleges, folk high schools, study circles, lectures, and correspondence courses.
Introducing a gender perspective deepens this picture. Gendered inequalities have historically shaped access to education and opportunities within the labour movement. Women workers often faced structural barriers, both in the workplace and in educational initiatives, limiting their participation and influence. At the same time, workers’ education provided crucial spaces where women could develop organisational skills, articulate feminist perspectives, and challenge patriarchal structures within both the labour movement and society at large. Considering gender perspectives highlights how educational practices not only advanced class-based empowerment but also intersected with struggles for gender equality.
Due to these varied aims, the sphere of workers’ education has often been characterised by conflict. Different branches of the labor movement have competed for control of institutions, while bourgeois forces sought to curtail or co-opt such efforts. Questions of funding and governance were frequent sources of tension. When examined through the lens of gender, these conflicts also reveal power struggles over whose voices and experiences were included or excluded from the educational agenda.
In this session, we aim to explore educational practices, teaching methods, and the cultural, political, and gendered significance of workers’ education. Contributions include case studies and comparative analyses that situate workers’ education in both national and transnational contexts, while also examining how gender relations shaped and were reshaped within these initiatives.

ORGANIZERS

Söderqvist, Jonas
jonas.soderqvist@arbark.se
Swedish Labour Movement Archives an Library
Jansson, Jenny
jenny.jansson@statsvet.uu.se
Uppsala University
Hakoniemi, Elina
elina.hakoniemi@helsinki.fi
University of Helsinki / Demos Helsinki
Female Perspectives of Workers’ Adult Education in Britain (1903 – 1939)

Authors:

Kumbhat, Pushpa
Birmingham Newman University
P.Kumbhat@staff.newman.ac.uk
In Britain, the Workers’ Educational Association (WEA) and the Labour College movement were founded in 1903 and 1909 respectively. Both were voluntary non-statutory adult education organisations that were created and administered by working class individuals. Each organisation aimed to improve access to post primary and secondary education to worker-students. Each organisation sought to enhance the political, economic and social circumstances of the working-class. Each organisation supported both male and female students. However, the WEA and the Labour Colleges differed politically in what they understood to be the purpose of education from a working-class perspective. Those who supported Labour Colleges believed in what they called ‘Independent Working-Class Education’ (IWCE) that delivered a curriculum based on Marxism, was funded exclusively by working class organisations (trade unions), and delivered by working-class tutors. IWCE was thus exclusively of, by, and for the working-class. By contrast, the WEA supported curriculums based on the liberal arts and humanities as disseminated by universities. The WEA accepted funding from a non-working-class institutions as well as from trade unions. Tutors, irrespective of their class backgrounds, were employed by the WEA on the basis that they were experts in their fields and sympathetic to working-class students. Extensive research analyses the differences between the WEA and the Labour Colleges as factions within the adult education movement in Britain. However, a gap exists in the historiography on the presence and impact of female students, teachers, and leaders in each organisation. This paper will analyse the WEA and the Labour Colleges from a female perspective by taking account of the number of women who attended WEA and Labour Colleges classes, and by analysing case studies of women who studied and supported the aims and ethos of each organisation. By doing so, it will be possible to reinterpret the differences and intersections between the WEA and the Labour Colleges from a gendered perspective. The paper will use evidence, in the form of historical statistics of the number of female and male students from the annual reports of each organisation, to show the extent to which the WEA and the Labour Colleges succeeded in delivering education to each gender. It will also use archival material that informs us about the biographies of key women involved in the WEA and the Labour colleges to understand in greater depth why women sought workers’ education and the impact that they made in the adult education movement more broadly.
Liberty Hall as a Pedagogical Commons: Workers’ Education, Radical Feminism, and Prefigurative Democracy in Revolutionary Dublin (1911–1916)

Authors:

Barsi, Filippo
Scuola Normale Superiore, Pisa
filippo.barsi@sns.it
This paper explores Liberty Hall—the headquarters of the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU) and of the Irish Women Workers Union (IWWU)—as a dynamic centre of workers’ education and a radical pedagogical experiment. Between 1911 and 1916, Liberty Hall functioned not merely as a trade union headquarters, but as a pedagogical common: a collectively governed, multidimensional space where working-class men and women developed the skills, political literacies, and solidarities necessary for democratic participation, labour organising, and cultural resistance. Drawing on The Workers’ Republic, The Irish Worker, BMH Witness Statements, and feminist historiography, the paper reconstructs the everyday pedagogies of Liberty Hall—study circles, lectures, amateur drama, typographic production, cooperative kitchens, and mutual aid initiatives. These activities were not peripheral to labour politics. They were foundational to a holistic vision of education rooted in self-organisation, creative expression, and collective self-emancipation. Importantly, Liberty Hall was a site of tensions and conflicts between revolutionary and reformist visions of workers’ education, between socialist-feminist and patriarchal trade union currents, and between the labour movement and a colonial-capitalist state supported by a conservative Catholic hierarchy. These frictions shaped both the structure and the limits of the Hall’s educational mission. Women were not passive recipients of this education but active architects of this educational mission. Figures like Delia Larkin, Helena Molony, Rosie Hackett, and Constance Markievicz led initiatives that combined political instruction with care work, agitation with cultural production. In a period where formal education often excluded working-class women, Liberty Hall offered a rare institutional space for developing political leadership, civic competence, and ideological formation. This paper interprets Liberty Hall as a prefigurative polity: a radical-democratic counterinstitution that anticipated alternative forms of governance, economic cooperation, and feminist agency through its daily practice. It argues that this form of workers’ education did more than transmit technical skills. It nurtured a democratic imagination of the socialist future grounded in common struggle, mutual solidarity, and reciprocal care. Ultimately, the paper contributes to the historiography of workers’ education by highlighting how education can function as a mode of institutional contestation, gendered empowerment, and political subject-formation. Liberty Hall demonstrates that labour education is not simply about instruction, but it is also about building infrastructures of hope and collective capacity within and against hostile regimes.
From Protest to Knowledge: Informal Workers’ Education in the Women’s Initiative of Rheinhausen

Authors:

Oles, Leandra Ulrike
University of Paderborn
leandra.oles@uni-paderborn.de
On November 30th, 1987, a shock announcement resonated through the steel-producing district of Duisburg-Rheinhausen: The Krupp steel company announced their plan to close one of their steelworks in Duisburg Rheinhausen, threatening over 6.000 jobs. At that time, the Krupp steelworks was the heart of the district. The protests that followed developed into one of Germany’s most iconic labour disputes. Just a few days after the announcement, approximately 500 women – mostly wives, mothers or neighbours of steelworkers – founded the Women’s Initiative Rheinhausen. Their strike actions soon became a vital, independent and essential part of the 160-day resistant. This presentation explores how women’s protest work functioned as a site of informal worker’s education. Without prior education, women learned to formulate political demands, organise major demonstrations, speak to the press, as well as politicians and unionists. They initiated projects including road blockades, school collaborations, round tables and symbolic demonstrations that brought visibility. They formed a counter-narrative to dominant representations of both labour conflict and gender roles. Drawing on concepts of informal learning and feminist pedagogies, the paper analyses how political competence was developed beyond formal institutions. The initiative represents a form of informal worker’s education, rooted in gendered experiences of exclusion, solidarity, and protest. Bit by bit they challenged traditional norms, empowered participants and developed political competences beyond formal institutions. Their engagement not only enriched strike culture with new and creative forms of social and cultural resistance but also extended into the realm of memory work: after the labour dispute the initiative initiated a historical project commemorating former Ukrainian forced labourers, culminating in the creation of a memorial and Ukrainian women visiting Rheinhausen. This act of remembrance reflected an emerging intersectional consciousness and a commitment to transnational historical responsibility within the legacy of workers’ education. The research is based on archive material from the Duisburg City Archive, the Archive for Alternative Literature in Duisburg and from private collections, including flyers, minutes and correspondences from the women’s initiative, as well as on eyewitness accounts from women who were involved at that time. This contribution is key to rethinking how knowledge can be generated, practised and transmitted in protest contexts, which is a highly relevant perspective in the field of labour history today.
Giuseppina Martinuzzi and the Education of the Working Class

Authors:

Baradić, Marta
Central European University in Vienna
Baradic_Marta@phd.ceu.edu
Giuseppina Martinuzzi (1844-1925) was born into an Italian bourgeois family in the town of Labin (Istria, today part of Croatia) under Habsburg rule and she was a long-standing social and political activist and prolific writer and intellectual. At the threshold of her thirties, she entered the teaching profession and would then go on to spend more than thirty years working in schools in working-class neighbourhoods in nationally mixed communities, mostly in Trieste (present day Italy). That experience strongly influenced not only her broader political views but also, more specifically, her views on the education of the working class. Giuseppina Martinuzzi grew up in the heyday of Italian national consciousness in Istria and initially embraced irredentist and liberal nationalist ideas. During the 1890s, Martinuzzi distanced herself from irredentist and nationalist positions and organizations in which she was active and began to espouse socialist ideas to later become a member of the Socialist Party and subsequently the Communist Party. Different scholars recently described Martinuzzi as the first socialist woman in Istria, the most important socialist and feminist in Trieste and the champion of women’s rights in the Adriatic lands. Given that she was a teacher herself, Martinuzzi dedicated a significant part of her activism, journalism and other public engagement to issues of workers' education. The aim of this paper is to explore the ways in which Martinuzzi addressed the issue of workers' education within various organizations she was a member of, as well as within different political frameworks. Special emphasis will be placed on her activities in the women's sections of workers' organizations and socialist parties, as well as her contributions through the establishment of libraries, evening schools, and literacy programs for (women) workers. Public and popular lectures remained a key aspect of her work from the moment she joined the workers’ society upon arriving in Trieste in 1877. When Martinuzzi launched her own literary journal (Pro Patria, Pro Patria Nostra 1887-1889), she emphasized the importance of educating the working class, and highlighted the need for popular content suitable for a broad audience. She advocated for literacy and pointed out the importance of (political) education, with her public lectures being a key part of that effort, especially while active in socialist movement. Particular attention will be given to her texts published in Rassegna Scolastica [School Review] (1890–1902) and the ways in which she advocated for the democratization of culture and workers’ education.

09:00–10:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 219

17. Labour Migration History

Migration of intimacy: sources and methodological approaches

The working group aims to build an interdisciplinary network of scholars studying labour migration from a historical perspective. Although migration currently receives great attention in political and academic debates, it is often discussed as a humanitarian emergency, a social and a security problem, but very rarely as a labour (history) issue. Similarly, research sympathetic to the struggles of migrants tends to denounce the violation of human and civil rights experienced by migrants but very rarely refers to the ways in which migration management policies have historically contributed to the creation of unfree and precarious working conditions. Our network seeks to generate scholarly debate about the interconnectedness of labour and migration history and stresses the importance of labour to analyse change in migration patterns and policies across time and space. We are interested in both empirical and theoretical analysis, and in various types of labour migration, perspectives, chronological and regional foci.

We invite papers addressing labour migration history including (but not limited to) the following topics of interest:

Labour mobility in domestic, regional and transnational policies and patterns
Intra-bloc and East-South labour migration in the Cold War context
Labour migration beyond normative and methodological nationalism
Organised migration schemes (e.g. “Guestworkers”) in a comparative perspective
Labour precarity and coercion in historical perspective
Entanglements between forced and voluntary migration
Methodological considerations and innovations in labour migration history
Historical shifts in intersections of gender, race, and class in migrant labour flows
The impact of migration in sending societies: Remittances and the financialization of migrants

ORGANIZERS

Nadia Latif
nl2021@caa.columbia.edu
Mount Holyoke College
Sounding Out Inequality: Audio Letters, Gendered Memory, and the Afterlife of “Guest Work” in Labor Migration from Turkey to Austria

Authors:

Faime Alpagu
Columbia University
fa2723@columbia.edu
This paper explores how personal sound recordings —specifically analog audio letters exchanged among migrant families from Turkey in 1970s Austria — function as historical evidence of labor migration shaped by structural inequalities. While dominant narratives of “guest work” in German-speaking Europe tend to reduce migrant experiences to national and male-coded categories, these intimate audio artifacts reveal a more complex interplay of gender, family, and precarious labor. Drawing on a hermeneutic case study approach and biographical interviews with migrants, the paper examines how family archives contest state narratives and document the lived realities of unfree labor, fragmented kinship, and emotional displacement. It argues that such personal archives offer critical insight into how migration regimes historically managed and racialized labor while regulating migrant lives beyond the workplace—through housing, remittances, and transnational family structures. This research highlights how intergenerational memory practices challenge historiographical silences around migrant women's roles, affective labor, and (in)formal economies. It also raises methodological questions about the archive: who collects, what is preserved, and how “private” materials like audio letters can reshape the historiography of labor migration. Ultimately, the paper positions migrant sound archives as crucial to understanding the entanglements of policy, inequality, and resistance in the history of labor mobility.
Emigration as a family strategy: remittances, financial negotiations, and perceptions of work in migrant letters

Authors:

Maria Damilakou
Ionian University of Greece
mariadamilakou@yahoo.gr
Emigration and remittances have long been recognized as transformative forces that have shaped societies across many regions of the world. In recent decades, the transnational turn in migration studies has intensified interest in the transnational family, which makes the migration of certain members a central part of its economic strategy. This decision is generally shaped by a combination of motivations related to financial needs, material and symbolic goals, and internal family dynamics. Numerous studies focusing on societies and countries with high levels of emigration, examine the family as the primary decision-making unit in the migration process, investigate the enduring ties migrants maintain with their place of origin and explore the economic and social impact of remittances, not only for the immediate family but also for the broader local communities that migrants leave behind. This presentation explores the role of family remittances and the economic negotiations within transnational families, focusing on a collection of family correspondence that linked, for over twenty years (mainly during the 1910s and 1920s), the island of Kalymnos (one of the Dodecanese islands, in southeastern Aegean Sea), with Buenos Aires, Argentina. At the time, Kalymnos, although ethnically Greek, was not yet part of the Greek state; until 1912, it was under Ottoman rule, and then came under Italian control until after World War II. The registered letters received by the family members who remained on the island, not only contained, as material objects, checks and money, but also included valuable information about how the funds were to be used, the pressures of debts and other financial needs, family planning concerns, as well as the perceptions held by those back home regarding the migrants’ work and prospects abroad. The financial support from overseas was vital, making the threat of unemployment or strikes a source of anxiety for the entire family. These letters also reveal how the uninterrupted flow of remittances became a central site of economic negotiation. These negotiations, often expressed in emotional language and guided by moral codes, shaped key aspects of how the transnational family functioned as both an economic and social unit. The study of these topics offers valuable insights into the complex interplay of economic dynamics and emotional landscapes and helps enrich our understanding of the migratory experience across different periods and contexts.
Migration and Circulation of Construction workers in Early Modern Europe (17th -18th Centuries)

Authors:

Nicoletta Rolla
Università di Torino
nicolettarolla@gmail.com
This paper aims to show some aspects of labour migration in early modern Europe by looking at a particular production sector, the construction one, which in several respects represents an ideal field of analysis. On the one hand, in fact, the construction sector is one of the leading sectors of early modern economies in terms of wealth produced and labour employed. And on the other hand, this labour force is not only extremely heterogeneous in terms of professional specialisations but also hosts a high percentage of immigrant workers. My paper focuses on a particular case study, that of the public building sites in Turin and Piedmont between the 17th and 18th centuries, at a time of heavy Savoy states investment in this sector. Thanks to the rich documentation produced by the state administration I intend first of all to show how the organisation of work in construction sites fuelled the intense mobility of labour. In fact, the temporality of construction sites implied a rapid turnover of workers who could only count on temporary jobs and were therefore pushed to follow job opportunities even over long distances. The Turin documentation also makes it possible to identify an elite of migrant workers, in particular those originating from certain Alpine regions, which in the early modern period were the epicentre of large migrations extending across Europe. The analysis of an exceptional source, the letters that construction workers from these regions send home during long periods of absence, allows us not only to assess the extent of these migrations, but also to study their dynamics. The letters allow us, for example, to reconstruct a labour market that is transnational, but internal to the “artistic diaspora” and the communities of origin. Moreover, through the letters, it is possible to measure the importance of migration's contribution to the economies of the communities of origin and to reconstruct credit circuits linking the different places in which these migrant communities are articulated. And over, the letters make it possible to observe the internal dynamics of these communities, the solidarities and tensions within them, the hierarchies and forms of dependence. This intervention follows in the wake of Alpine migration studies, which have been able to renew this field of study since the 1990s. With respect to this tradition of studies, my case allows us to reinterpret certain notions, such as that of community solidarity or family strategy, contributing to a more complex framework of analysis.

09:00–10:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 208

10. Military Labour

18. Working Group Arctic and Indigenous Labour

Indigenous Military Labour

Chair: Silke Neunsinger

silke.neunsinger@arbark.se

Uppsala University

Discussants:

Silke Neunsinger
silke.neunsinger@arbark.se
Uppsala University

First Nations people have been faced with the military invasion of their lands and have contributed towards the military labour of those settler nations. In response to the former, they adapted their own military strategies to face a new type of enemy. In relation to the latter, Indigenous men and women have contributed to imperial wars, world wars, and cold wars and more. Despite doing so, they have continued to face discrimination within settler nations’ forces and in wider society. This panel examines Indigenous contributions to military labour, exemptions to Indigenous military labour, and the ways military labour intersects with Indigenous rights activism through three key examples: the Sámi and conscription in Sweden, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders in occupied Japan and Korea, and Native Americans in the Civil War.

ORGANIZERS

Christine de Matos
christine.dematos@nd.edu.au
The University of Notre Dame Australia
Silke Neunsinger
silke.neunsinger@arbark.se
Uppsala University
Conscription, Colonialism and Contestation: The Origins and Trajectories of the Sámi Exemption in the 1885 Swedish Conscription Act

Authors:

Daniel Stridh
Swedish Defence University
daniel.stridh@ekohist.su.se
In 1885, Sweden enacted a new Conscription Act that explicitly exempted the Indigenous Sámi population from mandatory military training – an exemption that, in various forms, remained in place until the Total Defence Act of 1994. Although it is well established in the historical literature that the Sámi were long excluded from military service, the reasons for this explicit exemption have not been the subject of in-depth research. This paper investigates the motives, rationalities, and discursive constructions behind this exemption, situating it within broader processes of nation-state formation, capitalism, racialisation, and settler colonialism in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Sweden. Why was the exemption introduced? To whom among the Sámi did it apply? And what arguments justified its continuation over time? Moreover, how did Sami organisations in Sweden engaged with, resisted, or reinterpreted the exemption from military service?Drawing on official documents, archival sources, and newspapers articles, the study demonstrates how conscription and military labour functioned not only as a military reform but as a nation-building mechanism that redefined the relationship between state, territory, and population. Further, it examines how the exemption was shaped through the shifting intersections between military labour, territorial claims, and Sámi organising, and how these dynamics continue to inform debates on state authority, Indigenous rights, and national belonging in Sweden today.
Indigenous Military Labour in the British Commonwealth Occupation Force and the Korean War

Authors:

Christine de Matos
The University of Notre Dame Australia
christine.dematos@nd.edu.au
For the decade from 1946 until 1956, Australia posted military troops in Japan, first as part of the British Commonwealth Occupation Force (BCOF) during the Allied Occupation and later as part of the British Commonwealth Force Korea (BCFK). While Australian participation in the occupation and the Korean conflict is not well known, even in Australia, even less acknowledged is that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders also participated in these forces.Indigenous Australians were discouraged by white authorities from participating in all Australia’s wars prior to the mid-twentieth century. In the case of occupied Japan, the then Minister for the Army, Frank Forde, proclaimed that ‘Aboriginal members of the Australian Military Forces gave splendid service during the [Second World] war, but most of them cannot conform to the standard laid down for the Japan force’. We have identified around 23 Indigenous servicemen in BCOF, and the Australian War Memorial has identified 60 in the case of Korea. As has been shown in many studies, this desire to participate in white man’s wars is often intrinsically tied to citizenship and the right to social, political and economic equality.Utilising publicly available primary sources such as archival records, newspaper articles, and interviews, along with key secondary sources, this presentation will reveal the experiences of Indigenous Australians in Japan and Korea. In particular, it focuses on the shifting power dynamics that shaped these experiences, as these men moved from discriminatory positions in Australian society as the colonised, marginalised and dispossessed, to that of positions of power over the Korean and occupied Japanese populations, only to return home to unchanged discriminatory treatment. In turn, the presentation reveals the role of military labour as a pathway for Indigenous men towards civilian empowerment and activism for Indigenous rights and justice.
Divided Cherokees: Slavery, Settler Colonialism, and the Struggle Over Indigenous Military Labor in the U.S. Civil War

Authors:

Holger Droessler
Worcester Polytechnic Institute
hdroessler@wpi.edu
The US Civil War (1861-65) divided settlers and Native Americans alike. No other native nation was more torn by the struggle over land, slavery, and military labor than the Cherokee Nation. In late 1861, negotiators for the so-called Five Civilized Tribes (of whom the Cherokee were an important member) signed a treaty with the Confederate States of America (CSA) that granted each tribe an independent territory, protection by the CSA, and full representation in the Confederate Congress. By signing this treaty, the tribes declared war against the United States of America (USA) and were expected to raise four regiments of native soldiers. The decision to form an alliance with the CSA caused some controversy within the Nation, and the Creek tribe ended up revolting against Cherokee authorities.To counter the alliance between the Cherokee Nation and the CSA, the USA formed two regiments of Native Americans from various tribes. In conjunction with non-native U.S. Army regiments, they led a successful campaign into the Cherokee Nation that disrupted Cherokee society and ended up causing large numbers of Cherokee Nation citizens to defect to the North. Even though the Cherokee Nation was vulnerable to attacks from the North, it received relatively little aid from the Confederacy. Within just two years of the treaty’s signing, a Northern group of Cherokee leaders declared the treaty null, outlawed slavery, and took steps to reinitiate their relationship with the USA. At one point, there were over 16,000 Native Americans fighting for the Union Army. Both groups within the Cherokee Nation claimed control of the Nation until the end of the Civil War.In my paper, I will analyze the US Civil War in Cherokee country as a struggle over indigenous military labor. Both Cherokee citizens who owned enslaved people and those who did not interpreted demands on their military labor as existential for their nation’s survival. Ultimately, Union victory would spell the end of legal slavery in North America, including in Cherokee lands, but also further territorial expansion intro Indian country by a reunited settler empire.

09:00–10:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 204

3. Workplaces: pasts and presents

Toxic Legacies: Labor and Environmental Justice

Chair: Nico Pizzolato

n.pizzolato@mdx.ac.uk

Middlesex University

Aslı Odman, Mimar Sinan Fine Arts University, Istanbul; Ekin Sakin NGO Shipbreaking Platform, Brussels, The Ecological Destruction of the Workers’ Body: Hidden Epidemics of Occupational Diseases and Deaths at Turkish Shipbreaking Yards

Adam Sargent, Australian National University: Breathing Dust: Site Ecologies and the Politics of Capacitation in the Indian Construction Industry

Riyoko Shibe, University of Glasgow, The noxious history of petrochemicals in Grangemouth, Scotland, from 1950

Paula Hiemer, University of Oxford, Changing climate, changing work: Indonesia’s garment workers in a time of floods and heat

ORGANIZERS

Nico Pizzolato
n.pizzolato@mdx.ac.uk
Middlesex University

09:00–10:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 222

7. Labour and Family Economy

(I) Workshops, ‘small industries’, women’s work and diversity of industrialization in Mediterranean Europe, 19th -20th centuries

Discussants:

Manuela Martini
Manuela.Martini@univ-lyon2.fr
Université Lyon 2

.The session “Workshops, ‘small industries’, women’s work and diversity of industrialization in Mediterranean Europe, 19th-20th centuries” intends to further develop the link between the variety of industrialization patterns and their historical dynamics in relation to actors’ experiences. In doing so, it will explore in depth the gendered organization of work and division of labour, in workshops (and workshops at home) and small industries in regions characterized by very different levels of industrial growth in Mediterranean Europe (in Spain, Italy and Greece, with comparisons with other mediterranean and non-mediterranean regions).
Specific questions discussed by the researchers in their papers concern the diversity of women’s working careers in different production contexts, including women’s skilled and supervisory work, women’s role in the transfer and appropriation of technology, women’s work in the context of family economies and family strategies in formal and informal networks, and gender hierarchies in the workplace. The authors will address in their articles (one or more) more general questions related to the transformation of industrialization patterns such as: how was labour production organized in workshops and small industries and what was the gendered division of labour? Did women work in workshops and small industries as part of their family “duties” and “obligations” or as independent workers? Did the whole family work as a production unit or not? How was the work of family members organized in workshops and small industries? Did they work as subcontractors of larger firms? What were the main features of workers’ participation in production according to their age? At what age did women enter the workforce and when or why did they leave it? Was women’s work permanent or casual and seasonal and why? How did they reconcile care work and market work? How was work managed by the managers, team supervisors, and employers? Did the work management have specific gender characteristics?
Adopting the new perspectives made possible by global labour history to compare a wide set of Mediterranean regions will allow us to escape the “anxiety” of divergent analysis from the Northern Euro-centric comparative perspective, as found in older studies (PAPASTEFANAKI & POTAMIANOS, 2022). Following recent trends in historical research, in order to highlight the specific features of Southern European and European Mediterranean case studies the special theme will cover both South-Western and South-Eastern European Mediterranean cases (Spain, Italy, France, Greece, Ottoman Empire/Turkey,) with a comparative and transnational approach. As such, the contributors should consider and discuss the related bibliography for other Mediterranean regions and try to find connections (of any kind) between their case studies and other productive contexts around the Mediterranean in order to highlight new analytical frames and avoid focusing only on comparisons with developing patterns in Northern Europe.

ORGANIZERS

Cristina Borderias
cborderiasm@ub.edu
University of Barcelona
Manuela Martini
Manuela.Martini@univ-lyon2.fr
Université Lyon 2
Leda Papastefanaki
lpapast@uoi.gr
University of Ioannina & IMS/FORTH
“Female Labour and Working Careers in Silk Factories at the dawn of Industrialisation: the Tyrolean Case in International Perspective”.

Authors:

Cinzia Lorandini
University of Trento
cinzia.lorandini@unitn.it
Following the pioneering work of Luciano Cafagna (CAFAGNA 1989), the idea that the production of silk played a crucial role in Italy’s economic development gained widespread acceptance among scholars. Cafagna’s argument emerged in the context of a historiographical shift, marked by a lively debate challenging traditional narratives of Western industrialization and capitalist development. This debate led to new perspectives that would be further refined in the decades to come, including the exploration of alternatives to mass production (SABEL, ZEITLIN 1985, 2002), the significance of small and family-owned businesses (e.g., JONES, ROSE 1993; FERNÁNDEZ PÉREZ, COLLI 2013), and the emphasis on regional development and the role of industrial districts (BECATTINI 2004). Within this framework, the Italian silk industry, primarily focused on manufacturing and exporting raw silk, has contributed and can still contribute significantly to the debate (as several contributions to FONTANA 1997 have shown). Silk spinning mills, where raw silk was extracted from cocoons by women and girls, saw increasing labor concentration and mechanization in the nineteenth century. The introduction of steam power for heating basins and, in more advanced factories, for driving the reels marked key developments. However, the industry remained largely within the realm of ‘small industry.’ Family-owned businesses remained prevalent, the quality of silk production continued to take precedence over quantity, and even in the more mechanized factories, silk production remained labor-intensive and reliant on the manual skills of workers (for more on the labor intensity of the silk industry, see VRIES 2022). Cafagna’s perspective was later challenged by Giovanni Federico (FEDERICO 2005), who argued that the silk industry had a macroeconomic impact only in Lombardy—the leading region—prior to Italian Unification. However, Federico acknowledged that the industry likely had broader spillover effects—albeit difficult to quantify—that extended beyond Lombardy and continued after Unification. Among these effects, Cafagna emphasized the role of silk mills in introducing rural workers to industrial labor, thus helping to cultivate a workforce for other industrial sectors. But how significant and widespread was this exposure to industrial work?
Small Family Workshops in the Catalan Textile Sector: Cotton Hosiery in the 19th Century

Authors:

Céline Mutos-Xicola
Universitat de Barcelona
cmutos@ub.edu
This study explores the role of small family workshops in the production of cotton hosiery in 19th-century, a sector that deserves scholarly attention for its significance within the broader textile industry. Catalonia’s industrialization in the 19th century was marked by the coexistence of factories and smaller, specialized production units, which played a crucial role in shaping the formation of labour markets during this period (Camps,1995; Romero, 2005). Cotton hosiery arrived in Catalonia at the end of the 18th century though the migration of hundreds of knitters’ families from France and Italy. Hosiery production represents a compelling case of continuity and transformation within Catalonia’s industrialization (Solà, 2019). Rooted in traditional female needlework, the introduction of handlooms increased productivity and fostered a production environment where both men and women contributed to the process, leading to the emergence of family workshops as a natural response to this shift. The sector's strong reliance on women, particularly in spinning and the embroidery phase—recognized as the most valued and skill-intensive part of production—highlights its gendered nature. This article analyzes small family workshops, an organizational system that has been studied but deserves further sector-specific research (Sarti, Bellavitis, Martini; 2018). Key areas of focus include their internal organization, access to markets, and integration into larger industrial networks. The research investigates whether these workshops operated as independent businesses or as subcontracting units within broader production systems. Additionally, it seeks to uncover the economic and social strategies of family-based production units, particularly the contributions of women to the success and sustainability of these enterprises. Women’s contributions within families have been studied in several sectors and remain a key focus in understanding household activities (Scholliers and Schwarz, 2003; Martini and Vernus, 2021). This paper aims to shed light on the gendered division of labour and the interplay between household economies and industrial production, addressing questions of gender hierarchies within these workshops, including the roles of women in decision-making and supervision, as well as their interactions with male counterparts.
“From the Ottoman Empire to Greece: Women's Work in a Textile Factory in a Refugee Settlement of Athens during the Interwar period”.

Authors:

Leda Papastefanaki
University of Ioannina & IMS/FORTH
lpapast@uoi.gr
The article focuses on the work of refugee women in a refugee industrial suburb of Athens, Nea Ionia, a new district in which almost exclusively refugee entrepreneurs created small and medium-sized textile and carpet-making units after 1922, while workshops were operated in homes. The aim of the article is, by combining the concepts of class, gender and migrant labour, to study the forms and characteristics of women's work in this industrial suburb, in which small and medium enterprises and workshops coexisted. Utilizing business and charity archives, the press, and oral testimonies, the article intends to explore the variety of industrialization in cities in relation to the actors’ experiences and agency. The main questions relate to the gendered organization of work in small and medium-sized textile mills and workshops where refugees worked (either in workplaces exclusively for refugees, or in workplaces where they worked together with locals), gender hierarchies in the workplace, women's work in the context of the family economy, and family strategies in formal and informal networks. The paper seeks to address these questions and contribute to the special issue “Workshops, 'small industries', women's work and diversity of industrialization in Mediterranean Europe, 19th -20th centuries’ by highlighting the particular importance of refugee/migrant work, and especially women's work, in industrialization in the interwar period, the interaction of migrant and non-migrant labour, and the complementarity of formal and informal productive systems. The bibliography has shown the interpenetration of different forms of economic organizations and the co-existence of formal and informal economies in southern Europe (HADJIMICHALIS & VAIOU 1990; SABEL & ZEITLIN 2002). In line with the objectives of the special issue proposal, and the global labour history approach, the article will seek comparisons in the Mediterranean and Europe, since the first half of the 20th century was a period of mass forced migrations for European people.

09:00–10:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 207

9. Maritime Labour History

(I) Free/Unfree and Coerced Maritime Labour in a Global Perspective (1500-1900)

Chair: Colin J. David

cjdavis@uab.edu

University of Alabama at Birmingham

This double session examines the multiple forms of free, unfree, and coerced maritime labour that sustained European empires across the Atlantic, Indian, and Pacific worlds between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. It brings together case studies that trace how slavery and penal labour operated in maritime settings—aboard ships, in ports, and across colonial outposts. The first set of papers focuses on global slave trades and coercive labour systems. They analyse the role of African sailors in the nineteenth-century Spanish–Cuban slave trade, present the first results of the Exploring Slave Trade in Asia (ESTA) project, examine the prominence of maritime workers within systems of penal labour and resistance in Van Diemen’s Land, review changing slavery regimes in the Dutch Indian Ocean, and assess German participation in Atlantic slavery and its ties to capitalism.

The second set of papers turns to the Portuguese empire in Asia, c.1500–1750. Historiography on maritime labour in the context of the European Empires in Asia is not extremely vast, but there is a clear body of publications for the English and Dutch empires, while other European empires powers remain understudied. These papers aim to contribute to partially fill this gap in the existing scholarship by paying attention to maritime labour in the context of the Portuguese empire in Asia, circa 1500-1750. The three case studies examine in detail various forms of free and coerced labour, types of activities and working conditions in coastal outposts in various locations of the Portuguese Estado da India as well as on board vessels. By using an extensive body of source materials from Portuguese and Dutch archives, these studies aim not only to unveil the realities of maritime labour in Portuguese Asia, but also establish comparisons with the Dutch, the English, the French and the Spanish Empires in the region, whenever possible.

The session underscores that maritime labour was fundamental to the functioning of global empires and highlights the instability of the boundary between freedom and coercion, the importance of maritime workers to imperial economies, and the need to study these dynamics in both comparative and interconnected global perspective.

ORGANIZERS

Helder Carvalhal
helder.carvalhal@iisg.nl
International Institute of Social History, KNAW Humanities Cluster
Kalliopi Vasilaki
kk.vasilaki@gmail.com
Università degli studi di Genova
Kristog Loockx
kristof.loockx@uantwerpen.be
Centre for Urban History, University of Antwerp
"El Marinero Africano". Work on slave ships during the Spanish-Cuban slave trade in the 19th century

Authors:

Riu Giralt, Marc
University of Turin
marc.riugiralt@unito.it
This proposal aims to share the progress of my doctoral thesis, which seeks to analyse the formation and functioning of the crews of slave ships that participated in the Spanish-Cuban slave trade in the 19th century. Specifically, between 1821 and the end of the 1860s, a period characterised by the illegality of the transatlantic slave trade, the resurgence of enslaved Africans being transported to America and Spain's increased participation in a context of hypothetical imperial decline. My object of study is the thousands of sailors who participated in the slave trade, in other words, the labour force which enabled the ships that embarked in Africa and unloaded almost 600,000 enslaved people in Cuba or Puerto Rico to operate. In short, I propose a social history of the slave-trading seafaring community and the role it played in the global economy of the Atlantic, specifically in the illegal trade of enslaved Africans to Spain's last American colonies. In doing so, I seek to understand, on the one hand, its formation and origin: where the sailors came from and what their options and motivations were for ending up in an activity with high risk. On the other hand, I seek to understand the complex social relationships that were established both with the officers of the ships (captains and pilots) and with the enslaved people.
Exploring Slave Trade in Asia: Initial Findings and Future Directions of an International Slave Trade Database Project

Authors:

Konings, Pascal
International Institute of Social History, KNAW
pascal.konings@iisg.nl
In 2023, the Exploring Slave Trade in Asia (ESTA) project launched the visualization of its first collection of data of more than 4.000 maritime slaving voyages in the Indian Ocean and Indonesian Archipelago. It is estimated that these voyages alone have transported approximately 340.000 enslaved people from Asia, Africa and the Pacific, while this collection of data is estimated to be less than five percent of the total slave trade in these regions. With a 2025 version of the Database in sight, the project continues to collect,curate, and invite scholars to join and contribute our initiative in order to further aid reconstruction of the slave trade in Asia. This paper presents initial data analyses resulting from the first phase of the ESTA database project, highlighting the challenges, choices, and biases encountered thus far. It aims to provide insights into slave trading routes and patterns, mechanisms of private and (Dutch) East India Company slave trading, and patterns of gender, ethnicity and age distribution. Crucially, this paper discusses the future trajectory of the project, among which is the development and publication of a collective data entry system for ESTA. This will enable researchers worldwide to contribute to the database, as well as to utilize its structure to analyze data of their own. This is essential, because although researchers often have access to a wealth of data and sources pertaining to the historical slave trade in the Indian Ocean and Maritime Asia, the field lacks the resources required to conduct comprehensive interregional and comparative quantitative analyses. To address this, as well as the inherent challenges presented by the characteristics of the Asian and Indian Ocean slave trade, the ESTA project was conceived. ESTA has since 2016 developed a database structure and initiated a first major round of data collection and curation in order to reconstruct the slave trade in these regions. The project is currently finalizing a user-friendly environment for data entry that can be used by researchers to enter their data, contribute to the ESTA database, but also curate and export their data contribution. The public editor will be launched after the summer. The current database can be found and searched in a first public viewer on https://exploringslavetradeinasia.com.
Maritime workers in a penal colony

Authors:

Maxwell-Steward, Hamish
University of New England
hmaxwell@une.edu.au
Between 1803 and 1853 over 74,000 convicted workers were transported to the British penal colony of Van Diemen’s Land following conviction in British, Irish and Imperial courts. At least 2,427 of these (3.6 percent) were maritime workers. After disembarkation in Hobart, all convicts were sent to work for private sector employers or the government for the length of their sentence (a minimum of seven years). Recent digitisation of the Australian convict system’s extraordinarily detailed archive has revealed the extent to which colonial conviction and punishment rates were shaped by labour demand and the dictates of the colonial economy. In short, this was an unfree labour system disguised as an exercise in criminal justice. The rate at which convicts were punished was extradordinary. Collectively they endured 800,000 days in solitary confiement, 1,400,000 strokes of the lash and nearly 20,000,000 days hard labour. Overwhelmingly these labour infractions were for workplace offences. Detailed piecing together of individual charges has revealed the extent to which many of these punishments were administed in the wake of organised resistance. Although a minority,maritime workers were prominent in these resistance movements. They were punished at greater rates than other workers and were twice as likely to posted as runaways as agricultural labourers. This paper will use digital techniques to reveal this remarkable history of maritime radicalism in a land based coercive colonial society.
Shifting Tides: Enslaved Mobilities, Labor, and Slavery Regimes in the Dutch Indian Ocean World (1620-1700)

Authors:

van Duijvenvoorde, Britt
International Institute of Social History, KNAW
britt.van.duijvenvoorde@iisg.nl
The global turn in slavery studies has emphasized the importance of globally comparative frameworks of enslavement practices to avoid comparisons between supposed static (legal) institutions of slavery. One promising intervention in this scholarship regards the analytical concept of “slavery regimes” which constitutes the historically contextual, formal and informal, practical manifestations of enslavement. Roughly, a distinction can be made between i) regimes oriented towards the import of enslaved labor, ii) export-oriented regimes, iii) warfare and raiding regimes, and iv) local bondage systems (van Rossum, 2021). This paper reviews the circuits of enslaved mobilities within, but not exclusive to, maritime slaving networks of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in the Indian Ocean World throughout the seventeenth century by way of slavery regimes. The aim is to present a rough outline of how different slavery regimes intersected with patterns of enslavement, labor demand and supply, and the social differentiations of enslaved labor communities who were forcibly mobilized in these slaving networks. During the seventeenth century, broadly, a shift occurred in labor systems within the Dutch Indian Ocean World from the largely generic physical toil required for the creation of early colonial settlements and plantations such as Batavia (Jakarta) and Banda to more specialized enslaved labor systems such as weaving on Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and mining in Silida (Sumatra, Indonesia). Changes in labor brought forth specific labor demands circumscribed by perceptions of supposed physical and mental qualities of enslaved labor forces. Such demand for specific enslaved labor communities in terms of age, caste, gender, and race however did not always coincide with the realities of their supply, which depended on local bondage systems in place. Instead, historical practices of slaving often involved a level of capriciousness that caused the ad hoc adoption of enslaved labor forces–forming practical realities which in turn engendered new perceptions of desirable enslaved populations. In this paper, I present a chronological analysis of several case studies (mentioned above) that exemplify changing differentiations of enslaved labor in VOC circuits of enslaved maritime mobility. This study traces enslaved labor trajectories via the slavery regimes in which they were circulated and the practices and discourses about the enslaved which circulated in these regimes. Through an analysis of slavery in terms of historically contextualized enslavement practices, I hope to foster a dialogue between studies in global labor and slavery, and to bring forward a new perspective on interconnected maritime circuits of coercion.

10:00–10:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: Hall

Coffee Break

Coffee Break

10:00–10:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: Hall

Coffee Break

Coffee Break

10:30–11:00

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: Hall

Coffee Break

Coffee Break

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 221

5. Labour and Coercion

Sources and Positionality in Coercion. Representations, Self-Representations and Relations between Social Actors

Discussants:

Göran Rydén
goran.ryden@ibf.uu.se
Uppsala University

This panel stems from our desire to develop and submit the results of a seminar previously organised by the Free and Unfree Labour Working Group of SISLAV for international comparison. Entitled Sources and Positionality in Coercion, the seminar aimed to explore the use of the term “coercion” and to challenge perceptions of labour relations by examining primary sources, such as interviews and archival documents, from the perspectives of methodological choices and historical interpretation. Through examining the interactions between various social and institutional actors, we intend to move beyond the binary opposition of free and unfree labour. Furthermore, we recognise positionality as a pivotal concept in analysing the relationships and conflicts between actors, social and power hierarchies, ascribed statuses and, ultimately, the role of the historian.

We propose organising a panel that relates these substantial and methodological issues to the topics of material coercion, representation and the self-subjectivation processes of workers throughout time, space and different working relationships. The papers connect different temporalities and spatialities – from the examination of freedom’s lawsuits to enslaved mobility in the colonial and imperial spaces of the Caribbean, to the analysis of labour organization in nineteenth-century penal institutions and migrant work in the domestic sector in Italy in the 1970s-90s – with the aim of re-interrogating “uncomfortable” sources to put coercion to the test of historical research.

ORGANIZERS

Flamigni, Matilde
mati.flamigni@gmail.com
Italian-German Historical Institute, Fondazione Bruno Kessler
Writing Coercion: Legal Subjectivity and Layered Representations in Havana, Cuba (1880–1886)

Authors:

Barattini, Elena
University of Turin
elena.barattini@unito.it
This paper uses the legal case of Merced Armenteros – a Black woman subjected to Cuba’s patronato system (1880–1886) – as a lens to examine the layered production of representation in colonial legal archives, and to reflect more broadly on interpreting coercion in contexts of unfree labour. The patronato, a regime of forced apprenticeship established for managing formal abolition, institutionalised legal forums where the formerly enslaved could contest abuse but remained enmeshed in relations of dependency and surveillance. By analysing this case as “delegated writing,” the paper addresses the methodological challenge of recovering subaltern experiences from legal archives that systematically silenced them, while also showing how such archives illuminate the negotiated, contested nature of coercion. It argues that to move beyond schematic gradations of unfree labour, historians must attend to the relational production of legal subjectivity and the positionality of all actors involved, including the historian themself. Through this case study, the paper engages with broader questions central to the panel: how coercion was codified, contested, and represented in law; how power hierarchies shaped access to justice; and how legal archives can be critically read to expose both structural violence and strategies of negotiation in coerced labour systems.
Oral Sources of Cape Verdean Domestic Workers and their Employers in Rome, 2022

Authors:

Capitano, Olimpia
University of Teramo
capitanoolimpia@gmail.com
The author selects two specific sources from the large number of oral sources collected for her doctoral research [Il dentro e il fuori. Lavoratrici domestiche capoverdiane, eritree, etiopi e filippine a Roma (1970–1989)] – sixty-five interviews were conducted with domestic workers and employers; national representatives of the domestic sector; local referents of each immigrant group, who were linked to parishes or various organisations with an ethnic background. She focuses particularly on two interviews: the first with a Cape Verdean worker and the second with one of her first employers. Through analysing these two sources and relating them to each other, as well as contextualising them historically, the author attempts to reflect on the ambiguous and fluid nature of subject positioning, which cannot be defined a priori and is influenced by a multitude of personal and social factors. Finally, she poses some open-ended questions on the relationship between positionality and conducting research, particularly about the production of oral sources.
Representing Convict Labour: Idle Prisoners and Hard-working Educators in Volterra Penitentiaries (1839–1840)

Authors:

Giuliani, Andrea
University of Rome Tor Vergata
a.giuliani1989@gmail.com
This paper presents two archival documents dated 1839–1841 concerning the penitentiaries housed within the fortress of Volterra in Tuscany. The first document is a schematic report from 1840 outlining the status of prison manufacturing workshops and provides crucial information on the types of manufacturing activities present in the prison, the employment structure, and the organization of labour. The second is a narrative commentary, referring to the year 1839, offering various observations on these same institutions as well as valuable insight into the ideological and economic underpinnings of penal labour. Although these documents reflect official discourse and should be treated critically, they nonetheless provide extremely interesting descriptive and quantitative data. Above all, they offer a dual, instrumental and stereotypical portrayal that echoes old and sedimented discourses aimed at distinguishing between the “deserving” and “undeserving” poor: on the one hand, that of the inmates – described as morally deficient, idle and in need of re-education; on the other hand, that of prison staff and contractors – presented as hard-working educators. The intent is to understand and show how the actors involved produced and reproduced narratives of deviance and discipline, sometimes reinforcing these narratives, sometimes challenging them. Ultimately, through a critical reading of these few but detailed sources, this paper aims to reconstruct the institutional and symbolic history of penal practices in 19th-century Tuscany.
Slaves or Subjects? Testimonies from Cuba’s “Second Slavery” amid British Abolitionism. 1842–1853

Authors:

Flamigni, Matilde
Italian-German Historical Institute, Fondazione Bruno Kessler
mati.flamigni@gmail.com
This paper analyses three archival source files containing testimonies of enslaved individuals involved in legal cases against illegal slavery in Cuban courts during the 1840s and 1850s. These testimonies emerge amid heightened imperial tensions, as British abolitionist policies advanced while slavery persisted in many parts of the world and in the Caribbean. The displacement of African Caribbean people was sustained by complex trans-imperial networks, including illegal trafficking routes, smuggling operations, and inter-island maritime exchanges of both free and enslaved persons, particularly toward Cuba. Focusing on enslaved petitioners seeking freedom through legal channels and supported by foreign diplomatic agents, the analysis of archival sources reveals contested representations and self-representations constructed within the colonial legal framework. These testimonies challenge dominant notions of slavery, freedom, and coerced labour across imperial boundaries, with the sea serving as a central space of connection, displacement, and everyday life in the Caribbean.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 207

11. Precarious Labour

Precarious Labour and Gender

Chair: Sibylle Marti

sibylle.marti@unibe.ch

Universität Bern

Discussants:

Sibylle Marti
sibylle.marti@unibe.ch
Universität Bern

This panel focuses on precarious labour and gender.

ORGANIZERS

Nina Trige Andersen
nina.trige.andersen@gmail.com
Independent historian
María Fernanda Arellanes
maria.fernanda.arellanes@gmail.com
Independent scholar
Rosa Kösters
rosa.kosters@iisg.nl
IISH
‘Striking with Garbage’: Women Sanitation Workers and The Calcutta Municipal Corporation, 1920s-1940s

Authors:

Maria-Daniela Pomohaci
Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
maria.pomohaci@gmail.com
Heaps of refuse piled up on the streets, foul smell from the public privies, garbage overflowing from the dustbins, spreading onto the roads, gallies and even tramways. This was the image of the 'city of palaces' during the municipal sanitation workers' strikes in the first half of twentieth-century Calcutta. Mostly known in colonial sources as 'scavengers', these sanitation workers were employed by the Calcutta Municipal Corporation (CMC) to remove the garbage and human or animal excreta from latrines, sewers, drains, and the streets. However, due to the polluting nature of their work, the 'scavengers' were considered 'untouchables' and relegated to the absolute bottom of Indian society.Despite being employed by the Municipal Corporation, the sanitation workers were subjected to discriminatory working and service conditions. These included inadequate remuneration, job insecurity, a lack of maternity benefits, provident funds, holidays, and protective uniforms. Furthermore, their trade unions were not recognised, adding to their grievances. In response, the sanitation workers organised and went on strike multiple times between 1924 and 1949. It was during their strikes that issues of employment, service, and housing surfaced not only in the official reports but also in the pages of newspapers and gazettes. It was also when women sanitation workers made themselves visible, protesting alongside their male counterparts and even being fined and arrested for throwing garbage and night soil at the police force during the strikes.This paper explores in detail two aspects. First, it investigates the informality aspects of the employment of sanitation workers, with an emphasis on women workers. Second, it unravels the presence and participation of these women workers and their women leaders during the strikes. The paper engages with the following questions. Were the informality aspects of their employment connected to the “polluting” nature of sanitation work? What was the reason for the municipality's persistent refusal to grant them the same employment rights as other municipal workers? How did the active participation of women workers during the "unrests" affect the strike's outcome? During two of their strikes, in 1928 and 1940, the sanitation workers were led by women trade unionists. How did sanitation workers and their unions relate to one another on a gender basis? In trying to answer these questions, the paper contributes to our understanding of caste, informatisation and feminisation within the formal sector in late-colonial India.
Negotiating Wages, Social Policies, and the Right to Work in Times of Crisis: Bulgarian Tobacco Workers in the Late 1930s and Early 1940s

Authors:

Ivelina Masheva
Bulgarian Academy of Sciences
masheva@gmail.com
In the 1930s, labour processes in Bulgaria’s tobacco sector were restructured in ways that rendered certain categories of workers redundant and shortened the working season, making this already unstable seasonal employment even more precarious. The situation deteriorated further in the late 1930s and early 1940s due to poor harvests and the disruption of global trade following the outbreak of World War II. In response, workers mobilized to pressure employers and the state to implement measures to mitigate the impact of the crisis.Drawing on a rich array of sources—including trade union and leftist party archives, memoirs, contemporary press, and parliamentary debates—this paper examines both organized and unorganized labour’s responses to layoffs, low wages, and prolonged (seasonal) unemployment. It traces the strategies and agendas of both legal and underground communist trade unions as they negotiated higher wages with employers and lobbied the state to expand and enhance social benefits, particularly unemployment support.Organized labour also advocated for restricting access to the labour market for newcomers, seeking to prioritize employment for certain worker categories. Both trade unions and the state adopted highly gendered approaches that centred on securing employment for men—whose jobs were typically skilled and better paid and which were disproportionately affected the restructuring—and reversing the further feminization of a sector already dominated by women.The paper explores the gendered and racialized dimensions of trade union positions during collective bargaining and strike negotiations, as well as the implicit and explicit biases embedded in employment policies and social welfare programs. These often privileged adult Bulgarian male workers while marginalizing women, underage workers, migrants, and/or ethno-religious minorities.
Precarity between coercion and resistance: seasonal migrants in mid-20th century Portuga

Authors:

Elisa Lopes da Silv
NOVA University Lisbon
elisals@fcsh.unl.pt
Studies on 'labour precarity' reveal its global prevalence throughout history and the atypical nature of standard employment relationships. More recently, scholars have even nuanced European Fordist exceptionalism. This paper aims to contribute to the discussion on precarity in post-WWII Western Europe, when the model of Fordism was preponderant, by focusing on seasonal migrants and other precarious workers in large- scale monocultures during Estado Novo’s dictatorship (1933–1974) in Portugal. By examining precarious labour relations through the lens of coercion and resistance, I intend to challenge the (free) worker/citizen pair identified as preponderant in the western European fordist period.The seasonal internal migration of impoverished small farmers, who crossed the country to work on large estates in Alentejo during wheat, vineyard or olive harvests, was well known from the beginning of the 20th century. Rural development in irrigated lands after World War II significantly increased the scale of this phenomenon, and by the mid-1950s, there were between 70,000 and 100,000 seasonal migrants. I will analyse labour relations of seasonal rice migrants, namely young women coming from Algarve, in relation with other agricultural workers through two interconnected elements: labour intermediation and resistance repertoires.Firstly, I will examine the role played by 'manajeiros', a foreman who was appointed by landowners to select, negotiate with, transport and organise the workforce, as well as exercise authority and labour discipline. I will argue that the gang recruitment model enforced a precarious wage relationship that allowed exceptional forms of discipline, control and labour coercion on migrants.Secondly, I will explore the repertoires of labour resistance of seasonal migrants (and landless labourers), focusing on contracts’ and working hours’ demands. During rural development of the 1950s, agricultural work was not legally regulated, and working from sunrise to sunset was the norm. I will analyse ‘stoppages’, ‘gatherings’ and other forms of collective actions carried out by farm workers, considering its gender composition.

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 209

11. Precarious Labour

Precarious Labour at the Margins: Black Female Domestic Workers In Western Europe, 1600-1850

Chair: Nina Trige Andersen

nina.trige.andersen@gmail.com

Independent historian

Discussants:

Nina Trige Andersen
nina.trige.andersen@gmail.com
Independent historian

In her seminal 1989 essay, Kimberle Crenshaw urged scholars to overcome their “tendency to treat race and gender as mutually exclusive” by examining the intersecting axes of gender and racialisation. In the historiography of slavery, attention to the experiences of women has since grown, with scholars frequently focusing on sexual exploitation (e.g. Morgan 2004, Hartman 2021, Fuentes 2016). Within studies of the Early Modern African diaspora in Europe, however, women have remained on the margins, with those portrayed usually being exceptional figures (see e.g. Sensbach 2005, Gerzina 2020, Otele 2020). Female domestic labourers, by contrast, despite arguably forming the largest group of women of African descent in Early Modern Europe, have received little attention.

Building on historiographies of colonialism and sexuality (e.g. Stoler 2002; Haskins 2015), as well as life cycles, household labour, and coercion (e.g. Sarti 2005; Fauve- Chamoux 2004; Hoerder, van Meerkerk & Neunsinger 2015), this session seeks to address this lacuna. We aim to bring into dialogue quantitative and qualitative findings pertaining to different European territories and to develop a broader conceptual framework in studying domestic labour and Black female precarity in Early Modern Europe. Leading questions are: what types of domestic labour were Black women in Early Modern Europe engaged in? How did racialisation manifest in their everyday lives? What forms of coercion and precarity are evident, and what strategies of resistance did Black female labourers employ?

Structured around case studies of London, Amsterdam, Hamburg, and Bordeaux and based on extensive archival research, the panellists outline national and transnational patterns of Black women’s labour in Early Modern Europe. Focal points are the role of care work, strategies of resistance, and the impact of racialisation. Beyond its value for the study of Black European history, this approach intervenes in the field of gender, labour, and precarity.

ORGANIZERS

María Fernanda Arellanes
maria.fernanda.arellanes@gmail.com
Independent scholar
Rosa Kösters
rosa.kosters@iisg.nl
IISH
Sibylle Marti
sibylle.marti@unibe.ch
Universität Bern
Labour, Blackness, and the Everyday for Black Women as Recorded in Eighteenth-Century London Newspapers

Authors:

Montaz Marché
Ruckus Theatre Company
montazmarche@hotmail.com
Whilst scholars of Black British history often use records of women racialised as “black” within eighteenth-century London newspapers to emphasise the presence of diverse groups of Black people across the city, there are few studies which critically engage with how these newspapers can reveal the rich variety of roles and experiences of Black female labourers. These experiences ranged from rising through the servant hierarchy, to street-selling and participating in local races, to fleeing enslavement. By centring Black women’s experiences and adopting an against-the-grain approach to navigate the source’s absence of Black women’s subjectivity, these materials highlight more intimate and personal aspects of Black working women’s lives, their ambitions, relationships, and movements. Exploring a range of recorded instances of racialised Black women from across the century, this paper examines some of the overlooked conditions of their experiences of labour and social engagement, exploring what these instances tell us about their working conditions and daily lives.This study further explores how these records expose patterns of racialisation that hint at deeper contexts surrounding the social and cultural conditions of Black women’s everyday labour. I undertake a close, critical analysis of their formatting, positionality, and the racialised language they employ, to show how both the physical layout and content can illuminate the gendered, social, and cultural dimensions of Black women’s labour and their relationship to the newsgathering process. This analysis also draws attention to the pluralistic nature of Blackness in eighteenth-century London and sheds light on the precarious situation of those women situated in what Simon Newman calls the “liminal space” (Newman 2018) between freedom and enslavement. Ultimately, this analysis expands representations of Black working women as merely ‘the servant,’ revealing a more nuanced spectrum of labour and identity, and invites us to reconsider how contemporaries observed, utilised, and weaponised references to Blackness.
Black Female Domestic Workers in Seventeenth-Century Amsterdam

Authors:

Mark Ponte
Amsterdam City Archives
mjponte@xs4all.nl
In the mid-seventeenth century, a small Afro-Atlantic community lived in Amsterdam, concentrated on and around the island of Vlooienburg and Jodenbreestraat, also known as the Old Jewish Quarter. By using marriage and baptismal records, I was able to reconstruct traces of this community and the Black women that were part of them, many of whom had entered the city as domestic labourers or were the children of domestic servants. (Former) Black servants often married Black sailors, who were employed by the Dutch West India Company (WIC), the Admiralty, or the East India Company (VOC). They came from Angola, Brazil, the Caribbean, and the Iberian Peninsula. As archival research reveals, the community was sustained by the women living and working in the harbour city of Amsterdam, while most men were sailors and soldiers, and therefore often away for long periods of time.In the last couple of years, dozens of notarial documents have been uncovered about the lives of Black domestic workers in Amsterdam. These notarial deeds offer insight into their lives and precarious employment in the city. In this paper, I will focus on the notary archives, and especially notarial deeds concerning Black women to analyse working conditions and strategies of coping with precarity. These documents reveal that women went to the notary themselves to draw up contracts, last wills, and affidavits. Many notarial deeds drawn up by white inhabitants of Amsterdam, for example white domestic workers, also included statements about Black women’s resistance against slavery and domestic servitude. Together, these sources offer valuable insights into the lives of Black female domestic workers in seventeenth- century Amsterdam and highlight how these labourers were able to employ strategies of community building and legal action to alleviate precarity.
Intimate Labour: Black Female Servants in Hamburg and the German-Speaking Territories, 1760–1840

Authors:

Annika Bärwald
University of Bremen
a.baerwald@uni-bremen.de
While scholarship on the presence of Black people in eighteenth and nineteenth-century Germany has seen significant growth in the last couple of decades, most of it has focused on men and boys working at noble courts. In fact, quantitative studies have found significantly higher numbers of men compared to women among the African diaspora in early modern Germany (Kuhlmann-Smirnov 2013; Sauer & Wiesböck 2007). The Hamburg case nuances this scholarly consensus: With forty Black women and girls in my database of more than 270 individuals of non-European descent, women of African descent, most of them domestic labourers, still constituted a minority of the non-European workforce, albeit a significant and visible one. Among those arriving from the island of St. Thomas, shares of female and male domestic workers were roughly equal, with women often engaging in forms of ‘intimate labour’ (see e.g. Boris & Salazar Parreñas 2020) that were closely connected to powerful discourses around race, sexuality, and gender.Based on archival material and printed sources (among them patient records, baptismal registers, census data, and passenger lists), I analyse the intersection of racialised and gendered labour practices in the domestic sector in Hamburg and beyond. Employing prosopographical and micro-historical tools, I examine the fragmentary archival traces of Black female domestic labourers and explore the role that intimate labour played in their life. Such labour included child care, rendering sexual services and personal assistance, engaging in household chores, as well as care work in the context of motherhood. Shaped by high mobility as well as processes of racialisation and anxieties around Black female sexuality, this labour was often extremely precarious. Beyond the Hamburg case, the I address the German-speaking territories more broadly, highlighting both patterns of female domestic labour and strategies of resistance to precarity shaping this early Black presence.
From Claude-Joseph Vernet to the Archives: Depicting Black Nurses in Eighteenth-Century France

Authors:

Julie Duprat
Historical Library of Paris
julie.duprat@paris.fr
Researching Black women in eighteenth-century France is challenging; despite them being quite visible to their contemporaries, as evidenced by Claude-Joseph Vernet’s 1759 painting Vue d'une partie du Port et de la ville de Bordeaux prise du côté des Salinières prominently depicting an enslaved nurse. Material from the Maritime Archive, however, allows for an analysis of the lives of enslaved or freed women of African descent caring for the children of affluent families during the eighteenth century. Focusing primarily on Bordeaux but with comparisons to other cities, this paper will try to trace their number, places of origin, and duration of stay in France. I show how their presence defied French laws aimed at controlling the migration of Black people, especially enslaved ones, by exceeding the allowed duration of stay or by circumventing internment in one of the Depôts des Noirs established in 1777.Utilising notarial and press advertisements, I will also analyse the daily work of these same women and how, relying on intimate connections, they sought to gain freedom and improve their quality of life. They were more likely to be freed and to receive a small amount of money than other enslaved workers, sometimes transitioning to a life as paid nurses. Nonetheless, there are biases of these archival records, as less successful life paths usually went into oblivion. Lastly, the importance of Black nurses within aristocratic families became part of the eighteenth century’s collective imagination: By the end of the eighteenth century, racialised care workers were regularly represented in French art. This status reached its acme during the French Revolution when Black nurses, and especially Black wet nurses, became a symbol of the abolition of slavery, this time visible not only in the closed space of families but also in public areas and during revolutionary festivities.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 203

5. Labour and Coercion

Controlling, Criminalising, Managing: Tools of Coercion throughout History

Chair: Heinsen, Johan

heinsen@dps.aau.dk

Aalborg University

Discussants:

This session explores the varied tools through which coercion has been enacted across different times and places. From runaway advertisements in early modern Europe to algorithmic management in post-apartheid South Africa, the papers demonstrate how coercion has been enforced through technologies of communication, legal and contractual mechanisms, state migration policies, and digital systems of workplace surveillance.
The contributions highlight the central role of institutions and intermediaries in sustaining coercive regimes. States used treaties, quotas, and administrative practices to channel and restrict mobility; employers relied on indebtedness, informal contracts, and control over housing and assistance to bind workers to them; and new technologies could extend the reach of coercive authority into everyday life.
At the same time, the session underscores that these tools were never uncontested. Workers and migrants resisted or adapted to them in diverse ways, for example through flight, workplace disruption or recourse to legal systems. Such responses reveal the fragility of coercive arrangements and the ongoing negotiation between those who imposed control and those subjected to it.
Taken together, the papers show how coercion was enacted through specific instruments wielded by states, employers, communities, and technologies. By tracing these mechanisms across centuries, the session highlights both the persistence and transformation of coercive labour management, and the central role legal, social and technological means in shaping coercive social relations.

ORGANIZERS

Vilhelmsson, Vilhelm
vilhelmv@hi.is
Capitano, Olimpia
capitanoolimpia@gmail.com
Heinsen, Johan
heinsen@dps.aau.dk
Printing Coercion: Rethinking the Coercive Logic of Runaway Advertisements in the Early Modern Period

Authors:

Birkemose, Anders D.
Aalborg University
adb@dps.aau.dk
In the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, thousands of individuals were advertised as runaways in Danish newspapers. Soldiers, convicts, journeymen, apprentices, peasants, and even family members appeared side by side – united not by legal status or occupation, but by the act of fleeing from an asymmetrical relationship. Their escape constituted a break with both judicial and social obligations, and the public advertisement rendered them as vagrants: subjects of social violence and coercion through the virtual room of the public press. Runaway-advertisements have traditionally been studied in the context of the Americas, particularly as mechanisms for maintaining the institution of slavery by activating the reading public to police Black mobility. When examined in European theatres, such ads are often read as traces of diasporic presence, seen as a curious case of the colonial periphery’s manifestation within the imperial metropole. However, in recent years, this hegemonic discourse has been challenged by meticulously going through the newspapers of Denmark from 1749 to 1854. Currently the Danish advertisements seem to have been used differently than their colonial counterpart: whether the advertisers were private households or state officials, and whether the advertised were servants, soldiers, or prisoners, the medium served to publicly reassert dominance and enforce compliance. In a total count of over 10,000 adverts, only 44 concerned people of colour, suggesting that the genre – in a Danish theatre – functioned not primarily to enforce racial hierarchies, but rather to regulate labour and mobility more generally, across a wide array of social and legal positions. The current state of the art has, however, clearly shown that this genre of coercion was not two separate phenomena, but part of a global tradition. This points to the need for broader comparative analyses of the runaway genre itself. The German equivalent of the Steckbrief bears a close resemblance to both the Danish bortrømningsannoncer and the American runaway-advertisements. By comparing the Danish material with German Steckbriefs and Anglo-American notices, I argue that the genre should be understood not in terms of isolated national or imperial contexts, but as part of a broader spectrum of coercive subgenres within a shared communicative phenomenon. These reflect different balances between criminalisation, labour relations, and social control. In this way, the runaway advertisement offers a unique window into how coercion operated across legal and social categories in the early modern period. This paper develops an analytical framework based on four interconnected dimensions: (1) the legal and social flexibility of fugitive status; (2) the advertiser’s ability to assert authority through print; (3) the nature of the asymmetrical relationship that bound the parties; and (4) the role of surrounding public; whether hostile or supportive. Together, these dimensions help reconceptualise the runaway advertisement not just as a reflection of coercion, but as a medium through which coercive relationships were actively constructed, contested, and made visible.
Migrant Work in the Construction Sector in Early Modern Europe (17th–18th Centuries)

Authors:

Rolla, Nicoletta
University of Turin
nicolettarolla@gmail.com
In 2016, an International Labour Organisation report analysed the situation of construction workers in some sample countries (United Kingdom, the United Arab Emirates, Thailand, Canada and South Africa). The rapporteurs drew a picture of labour relations on construction sites in which certain constants emerged – informal recruitment of workers, withholding of wages, indebtedness, provision of precarious housing by employers - that make the drafters of the paper say that “unfree labour is a significant problem in construction” Many of these conditions can be found in the European construction sites of the early modern period, which this paper aims to investigate by looking at labour relations in a sector where labour was mainly made up of migrants, where journeymen and slaves often worked side by side and where the boundary between freedom and coercion was extremely blurred, and in a time when all economic transactions - including those involving labour contracts - were profoundly conditioned by non- economic considerations and factors. This study focuses on the analysis of construction sites in Turin, a city in full expansion between the 17th and 18th centuries. Through this case study, I intend to shed light on the instruments adopted by employers – such as recruitment and informal agreements, indebtedness, cohabitation, withholding of wages, and control of assistance – to impose ties of dependence on their workers and control their mobility. To these forms of restriction of freedom, workers opposed practices of resistance, such as insubordination in the workplace, interruption of production, and recourse to justice, considered the most widespread form of labour reaction in the early modern period What strongly conditioned labour relations in the construction sector was their community and family dimension. The recruitment of apprentices and workers often took place within networks of family and community relations, which could reach a European dimension by creating a transnational labour market. This aspect has often been interpreted by historiography as a means of protecting workers through a network of community solidarity. Actually, it was often precisely community ties that severely restricted workers' freedom. This is what emerges from reading an extraordinary source for the early modern period, the letters these migrant workers sent home during their long periods of absence, when they followed job opportunities across Europe. Indeed, reading the letters shows a more complex reality, where hierarchical relationships of dependence are defined and conflicts broke within the community. The letters also give us access to the point of view of the actors and bring us closer to their perception of their working conditions. Working relationships, tensions within the community, the dynamics and criteria that guide their choices are told through the voices of the protagonists, who in this way reveal not only their point of view, but a system of values.
Coercive Republics? The Role of the State in Labour Migration between Czechoslovakia and France in the 1920s

Authors:

Štofaník, Jakub
Masaryk Institute and Archives of the CAS
stofanikjakub@gmail.com
The paper will explore the under-researched role of state institutions and state-driven mechanisms in shaping labour migration between interwar Czechoslovakia and France. While this period is often presented as a time of growing individual mobility and economic opportunity, I will argue that migration policies were equally characterised by elements of coercion, state control, and political calculation on both sides. Following the end of the First World War, both France and the newly established Czechoslovak Republic faced significant economic and demographic challenges. France, severely affected by wartime casualties and destruction, experienced acute labour shortages, particularly in heavy industry, agriculture, and mining. Czechoslovakia, by contrast, faced structural unemployment and socio-political instability, especially in regions with high concentrations of industrial workers. In this context, labour migration was not only an economic necessity but also a political tool used by both states to stabilise domestic situations and to advance their national interests. The Czechoslovak and French governments did not leave this process to the free initiative of individuals or private employers. Instead, they actively regulated recruitment, movement, and settlement of workers. Bilateral agreements, administrative restrictions, recruitment quotas, and collaboration between state agencies and private intermediaries transformed what appeared to be voluntary economic migration into a controlled and highly politicised process. For both states, regulating labour flows became part of broader strategies of economic recovery, social engineering, and international diplomacy. Drawing on archival sources from both countries, the paper will examine how migration agreements, administrative practices, and political narratives contributed to transforming the mobility of workers into a semi-controlled process that served state interests. Special attention will be paid to the language of official discourse, which often oscillated between portraying migrants as economic assets and as potential threats to social order. By analysing these dynamics, the paper questions the traditional dichotomy between free and forced migration, suggesting that many migratory movements of the interwar period existed in a grey zone of state-managed mobility, where consent and coercion were closely intertwined. In doing so, the paper aims to contribute to broader debates on the relationship between labour, state authority, and coercion in 20th-century Europe.
Legacies of racial despotism: Algorithmic management as labour coercion in post-apartheid South Africa

Authors:

Kenny, Bridget
University of the Witwatersrand
Bridget.Kenny@wits.ac.za
Based on eight months of qualitative research from 2022 to 2023 during which our research team conducted a total of seventeen purposively selected, semi-structured interviews with managers, technology specialists, union representatives, and warehouse workers in mainly two firms one from each sub-sector, e-commerce and road freight and logistics, this paper considers how logistics workers understand ‘coercion’ and labour control in a post-apartheid context. That is, it examines what labour coercion means in relation to new forms of algorithmic management and to past apartheid forms of racist labour control in South Africa. How do workers think about the changes in labour processes in relation to the racial despotism of the past? What are the material and meaningful practices that reproduce and transform forms of coercion? What are the social representations of coercion at work, particularly with algorithmic management from managers, unions and in public discourse? And, how do workers experience forms of control at work and workplace relations? How do they make sense of (and enact) labour politics in a context of the erosion of the labour movement and labour rights within the last thirty years of democracy? This paper seeks to step back from my prior examinations of the labour process of these warehouse workers (see Kenny 2025) to consider in more detail the specific discourses and significations of everyday forms of labour coercion in the context of apartheid’s shadows. This paper will contribute to debate on the scope and meaning of labour coercion in transitions from (legally) despotic forms of labour control to legal protections. Are new forms of labour coercion merely an example of a new round of ‘market despotism’ (Burawoy 1985) in South Africa (as its market opened after apartheid) or do forms of racist relations underpin changes to labour processes in ways that help us to theorise how racial capitalism is reproduced? I want to specifically think more about my argument (Kenny 2025) that racial capitalism is reproduced with new labour processes in logistics in a way that centres theorisations of labour coercion as a framework for analysis, addressing more concretely what has changed and where there is continuity and how workers make sense of enduring labour coercions.

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 222

4. Feminist Labour History

Biographical perspectives and spaces of work

Chair: Annina Gagyiova

gagyiova@hiu.cas.cz

Institute of History, Czech Academy of Sciences

/

ORGANIZERS

Natalia Jarska
njarska@ihpan.edu.pl
Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences
Eloisa Betti
eloisa.betti@unipd.it
University of Padua
“Am I rehearsing? Hell no!” The internal labor division of an early twentieth century working-class household that nested the Hungarian avant-garde movement

Authors:

Sára Bagdi
University of Vienna
sara.bagdi@gmail.com
The title of this talk is taken from a letter sent by Jolán Simon (1885‒1938) to a friend, Teréz Bergmann, and it continues like this: “Am I rehearsing? Hell no! For now, I’m completely lost in sewing. Not just for myself, but for my two children as well.” Simon was an actress and choir conductor whose voice became closely interwoven with the avant-garde movement for her Hungarian-speaking contemporaries, while her partner, Lajos Kassák (1887‒1967), as the chief editor of the leading Hungarian-language avant-garde periodicals, became an established member of the international art scene. In this talk, I discuss how Simon and Kassák, mobilized the common practices of a multigenerational working-class household to build a successful and internationally recognized avant-garde network, despite coming from poorer, working-class backgrounds and running a low-profit business. In addition to assessing in detail what the couple’s household looked like, I examine how its inner structure corresponded to the general patterns of working-class households in Budapest at that time and how households contributed to the rapid industrialization of the European semi-periphery. Since the positions household members could acquire in the formal labor market depended on the functions they fulfilled within their household, examining the patterns of labor organization within Simon’s household not only reveals many of the invisible tasks working-class women had to take on but also helps us better understand the successes and challenges Simon faced while building her career. Simon was not the only woman who supported Kassák. Kassák’s mother, Simon’s daughters, and, for some time, Kassák’s sisters were also heavily involved in the editorial process. Due to the low-profit nature of Kassák’s artistic ventures, the lack of revenue forced him to rely heavily on his household’s resources. As a result, the separation between the informal, domestic sphere and the formal workspace did not prevail in the everyday lives of Kassák and Simon, and almost every female member of the household was directly involved in the production and dissemination of his periodicals. They also had to take on additional formal wage work (factory work and domestic service) and informal paid work (petty commodity businesses) to compensate for the lack of sufficient wage income. These internal dynamics became even more complex when Kassák had to emigrate to Vienna due to his participation in the 1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic, leaving Simon to commute between Budapest and Vienna to represent Kassák in front of Budapest-based publishing houses and editors. To achieve a more nuanced understanding of the structural necessities underlying these dynamics, I examine the Kassák–Simon household’s income-pooling strategies, placing special emphasis on the entanglements between, and the gendered inequalities in, the formal labor market and the internal division of labor within the household. And in addition to this, I also address how it influenced Simon’s image in the eye of her contemporaries.
Spatio-Temporal Rhythms of a Woman Worker and Labour Activist: Rose Pesotta

Authors:

Maria Tamboukou
University of East London
m.tamboukou@uel.ac.uk
This paper explores the many spaces and shifting rhythms of Rose Pesotta’s life as a migrant worker, anarchist, and labour organizer in the first half of the twentieth century. Born into a Jewish family in Derazhnya, Ukraine, Pesotta moved through diverse political and social worlds—from underground circles in pre-revolutionary Russia to the tenement workshops and union halls of New York City, where she arrived in 1913. Focusing on both her published and unpublished writings—including her political autobiography Bread Upon the Waters (1944) and archival documents housed at the New York Public Library—this paper examines how space, movement, and labour shaped her political and literary voice. As a leading figure in the International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, Pesotta organized across the continent: from Los Angeles and Seattle to Montreal and Puerto Rico. Her activism unfolded in borderlands between languages, cities, and ideological commitments. Even after resigning from the ILGWU leadership in 1942, she remained deeply involved in labour and progressive causes, continuing to write fiction, essays, and autobiographical reflections. Her books and unpublished papers reveal a life lived across—and shaped by—multiple geographies: urban and rural, industrial and intimate, public and personal. This paper charts those spatial patterns not as a singular journey but as a constellation of movements and returns, pauses and displacements—attuned to the spatio-temporal rhythms of a radical woman who refused to be contained.
A Woman’s Capacity to Work: Gendered Space, Time, and Labor in the Writing Life of Jakobína Sigurđardóttir

Authors:

Rósa Magnúsdóttir
University of Iceland
rm@hi.is
This paper explores the gendered dynamics of labor, space, and creative agency in the life and work of Icelandic writer and poet Jakobína Sigurđardóttir (1918–1994). Born in the remote Western Fjords and later relocating to Reykjavík for education and work, Jakobína ultimately got married and settled on a farm in northern Iceland in 1949. There, she raised four children, managed household and farming duties, and authored several acclaimed works of fiction and poetry. Her life offers a case study of how gendered expectations and spatial constraints shaped women’s capacity to engage in intellectual and creative labor.Drawing on personal letters—particularly her correspondence with her publisher in Reykjavík during the 1950s and 1960s—this paper examines how Jakobína negotiated the demands of domestic labor and literary ambition. Her letters reveal the physical and emotional toll of rural life, her political activism against a proposed hydropower project, and her persistent efforts to write despite limited time, space, and support. They also reflect her ambivalence on marriage, her often fraught relationships with the locals, and her tendency to downplay her literary success to conform to gender norms in Iceland. Ultimately, the domestic work took its toll on her body and undermined her capacity to conduct the intellectual work (mental labor) she preferred.By situating Jakobína Sigurđardóttir’s experience within broader frameworks of gendered labor and spatial marginalization, this paper contributes to discussions on how women’s creative work is shaped (or constrained) by the intersection of domestic space, rural isolation, and sociopolitical context. It also touches upon the tension between the local and the global: while Jakobína’s physical world was confined to a remote Icelandic farm, her intellectual and political engagements with socialism reached far beyond it. Her life underscores the enduring struggle for women to claim time, space, and legitimacy for their work in an environment that often denies them all three.
Gendered Labour and Comradely Intimacies in the Greek Left (1974-1989)

Authors:

Georgia-Taygeti Katakou
European University Institute in Florence
GeorgiaTaygeti.Katakou@eui.eu
‘Women, even now I think, are those who take the minutes. What should a woman always take the minutes? I am sorry, it might sound funny, but it shows something’. As a young woman in the 1970s, Vena moved between different spaces of work in Athens. She was a journalist, a Eurocommunist, a feminist, a wife and a mother. In this paper, my aim is to explore how women on the Greek Left experienced labour across multiple different sites and spaces of work. Party headquarters, festival grounds, feminist cafés and bookshops, their own homes, were all interconnected spaces in which women like Vena laboured and connected with one another. Work, for many of my interlocutors, could not be easily distinguished as performed in the private and public realm. Their comrades were also their friends, their partners, their co-workers; what has been described as a ‘total world’. I am interested in the types of work women within the Greek Left undertook and their experience of it, from building festival infrastructures, mopping the headquarters, to the multitude of reproductive labour they performed within these political spaces. Using oral history interviews, autobiographical novels, and archival material from the Contemporary Social History Archives in Athens (ASKI), the main research question of my paper is: ‘How did gendered labour create, sustain, and alter power relations within the Greek Left in the 1970s and 1980s?’. Focusing on the broad spectrum of Left-wing parties, organisations, and grassroots movements that were active after the fall of the Junta, I will argue that friendship specifically was a source of emotional reproduction, and therefore a gendered form of labour, with radical and liberatory potential. Friendship, as a more expansive understanding of intimacy, provided an alternative framework for relationships of care. The interpersonal relations of everyday political actors were dynamic and interesting sites shaping the gendered performance of work, and sustaining political movements. Furthermore, I am interested in discussing how workplaces are remembered by my interlocutors. For most of them, their workplace was an organisation’s office, a living room, the street in which they sold newspapers and magazines. Simultaneously, some held another job, studied, raised children and cared for elderly parents, in polykatoikies that are still standing in Athens today. This paper brings together intimacies, emotions, space, and gendered labour in the context of the Greek Left in the 1970s and 1980s.

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 206

17. Labour Migration History

9. Maritime Labour History

Social mobility and the migration of maritime labour in the 18th-19th centuries

The working group aims to build an interdisciplinary network of scholars studying labour migration from a historical perspective. Although migration currently receives great attention in political and academic debates, it is often discussed as a humanitarian emergency, a social and a security problem, but very rarely as a labour (history) issue. Similarly, research sympathetic to the struggles of migrants tends to denounce the violation of human and civil rights experienced by migrants but very rarely refers to the ways in which migration management policies have historically contributed to the creation of unfree and precarious working conditions. Our network seeks to generate scholarly debate about the interconnectedness of labour and migration history and stresses the importance of labour to analyse change in migration patterns and policies across time and space. We are interested in both empirical and theoretical analysis, and in various types of labour migration, perspectives, chronological and regional foci.

We invite papers addressing labour migration history including (but not limited to) the following topics of interest:

Labour mobility in domestic, regional and transnational policies and patterns
Intra-bloc and East-South labour migration in the Cold War context
Labour migration beyond normative and methodological nationalism
Organised migration schemes (e.g. “Guestworkers”) in a comparative perspective
Labour precarity and coercion in historical perspective
Entanglements between forced and voluntary migration
Methodological considerations and innovations in labour migration history
Historical shifts in intersections of gender, race, and class in migrant labour flows
The impact of migration in sending societies: Remittances and the financialization of migrants

ORGANIZERS

Latif, Nadia
nl2021@caa.columbia.edu
Mount Holyoke College
Loockx, Kristof
Kristof.Loockx@uantwerpen.be
University of Antwerp
Mediating Maritime Labour: Informal Brokerage Networks and the Migration of Cape Verdean and Azorean Seamen in New Bedford (1860–1900)

Authors:

Coudray, Anne-Sophie
International Research Centre on Slaveries and Post-Slaveries
anne-sophie.coudray@casadevelazquez.org
Between 1860 and 1890, the emigration of Azorean and Cape Verdean seafarers to the United States — along with their recruitment into the American merchant marine — continued unabated, despite the gradual decline of the whaling industry. In a context marked by increasing industrialization and a growing disinterest in maritime occupations — as many immigrants turned instead to employment in New Bedford’s textile mills — these seamen continued to migrate in significant numbers to the city, which remained a key port of entry and a crucial centre for maritime labour. Underlying this sustained migratory movement was an informal network of intermediaries who played a pivotal role in facilitating emigration by operating the first transatlantic shipping lines linking New Bedford with the Azores and Cape Verde archipelagos. These actors enabled access to employment and supported both the economic and legal integration of migrant seafarers. Comprising migrant brokers — at times referred to by the seamen themselves as crimps — this network helped to alleviate labour shortages in the maritime sector and contributed to the maintenance of a port economy weakened by the collapse of the whaling industry and increasingly reliant on immigrant labour. This paper seeks to analyze the strategies and practices of this informal network in New Bedford, shedding light on the economic, political, and social conditions that facilitated its emergence and persistence, while also interrogating the reasons for its historical obscurity and the lack of scholarly attention it has received. By focusing on the trajectories of the seafarers themselves, this presentation will explore the various forms of assistance provided by these intermediaries and argue that, despite often asymmetrical relationships, their intervention was not purely exploitative. Rather, it reflected a degree of agency on the part of the mariners, enabling them to realize their migratory aspirations in the United States.
The Life and Career Trajectories of Migrant Maritime Workers in the Dutch East India Company During the 18th century

Authors:

Couch, Marlies
The Huygens Institute
marlies.couch@huygens.knaw.nl
In recent years, historical research into the labour and career patterns of maritime workers has flourished, broadening our knowledge of their lives at sea and ashore. The lived experiences of migrant workers in the early modern Dutch Republic, however, remain underexplored. As one of the Republic’s largest employers and contributors to its great economic prosperity, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) relied heavily on labour migration. The extent to which these immigrants themselves benefited from the Company’s success, particularly through career advancement leading to improved wages and living conditions, remains unknown. Further, our insight into how labour migrants in the Republic navigated the challenges of migration – a decline in social status, inadequate housing, financial struggles, integration hurdles and opportunities for career advancement – is profoundly limited. This paper aims to trace the life and career trajectories of a selection of the migrants recorded in VOC muster rolls and pay ledgers. The sample comprises the workers who joined the Company from England, Scotland, Ireland and North America and left traces in the Amsterdam notarial archives in marriage, birth and death records. What indicators of social and economic mobility can be discovered by reconstructing the migrants’ occupational endeavours and the urban networks that may have supported them in their wake? How did having wives, families and connections impact their opportunities for career mobility? The strong political, cultural and mercantile ties between the Republic and England, for example, and the rivalry between their respective Companies, make the employment of Englishmen and other English-speakers with the VOC especially intriguing. Irishman Benjamin Carroll is one of these men. Starting his VOC career in 1744 as a third mate, he rose through the ranks to become first mate and finally lieutenant. He died in Colombo thirteen years later, leaving behind in Amsterdam his Dutch wife Hendrina Jacobs and their 14-year-old daughter. No longer receiving Benjamin’s wages after his passing will have had a significant impact on Hendrina’s ability to sustain herself and their child – or had his rank and corresponding salary set them up for survival? By linking the considerable VOC archives to notarial records and genealogical resources, we will enhance our understanding of Benjamin’s and Hendrina’s lives, and those of other migrant employees. Inherent to this aim is the tension between quantitative and qualitative analysis: using large datasets for writing microhistories raises challenges of scope and focus, which this paper intends to grapple with.
Historicizing Migrant Stratification in Labour Markets: The Case of the Construction of the Naval Port in Wilhelmshaven, 1857 – 1873

Authors:

Oltmanns, Ronja
Ruhr University Bochum
Ronja.Oltmanns@edu.ruhr-uni-bochum.de
When migration and work are considered and discussed together, the image of migrant stratification in labour markets often emerges: migrants are said to take on particularly low-paid jobs that are dirty, dangerous or socially stigmatised and that are therefore rejected by the local population. These assumptions also pervade historical research on the port construction in Wilhelmshaven, where the Prussian navy began building a naval port in 1857. As the area on the North Sea coast was purely agricultural and very sparsely populated, migration was a precondition for the construction. While none of the researchers examined the relationship between migration and work in greater depth, they all agreed that the workers who migrated in large numbers from the Prussian Eastern provinces to the North Sea coast to build the port had performed exclusively unskilled jobs under particularly difficult conditions: “There were, of course, far too few local workers for the groundworks and construction, and besides, they were not interested in it, so workers with a lower standard of living had to be recruited, as existed mainly in the Polish areas of Germany”. This reveals a fundamental problem in the discourse on migration and work: migrant stratification in the labour market is assumed to be a structural phenomenon. A historical perspective is often lacking. I was able to demonstrate that this led to serious misinterpretations in the case of Wilhelmshaven. In my research, I examined the strong migration from the Eastern Prussian provinces during the first construction phase and reconstructed the working conditions and living circumstances. While anti-Polish discourses and practices were prevalent in Prussia starting from the 1870s, this is less clear for the period I considered. Hence my central question was whether workers originating from the Prussian eastern provinces were already subject to racially or nationalistically motivated deprivation of privileges between 1857 and 1873. The sources I evaluated contain no evidence of discursive othering of migrant workers by Prussian officials or of their material disadvantage in terms of working conditions and living circumstances. The emergence of a migrant subproletariat, which has been documented for later periods, could not be established here. Thus, the assumption made in previous research that workers from the Prussian Eastern provinces only performed formally unskilled jobs has proven to be incorrect. The proportion of craftsmen among migrants was high on average, and there were also examples of social mobility. Some held management positions on the construction site.

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 219

15. Labour and Empire

Local history, global context: scale in histories of labour and empire

Chair: Justine Cousin

How do micro-histories, the long duree, and macro-geographies refigure histories of labour and empire?

ORGANIZERS

Nicki Kindersley
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
Cardiff University
From colonised to coloniser: Innisfail, an Irish colonial settlement in North Queensland

Authors:

Bévant, Yann
University Rennes 2
yann.bevant@univ-rennes2.fr
The paper focuses on Johnston shire, named after explorer Robert Arthur Johnstone, who was George Dalrymple's officer in charge of the native mounted police in the expedition that set out from Cardwell in September 1873 to explore and chart the north east coast between Cairns and Townsville. Between the late 19th century and the 1970s Johnston shire developed as one of the main centres of cane farming and sugar cane processing, a typical colonial business that started with the establishment of Thomas Henry FitzGerald’s company. FitzGerald was Irish and he called his plantation Innisfail, an Irish name meaning ‘the Isle of Destiny’ in English.This paper examines why and how North Queensland, a remote area so far away from the traditional channels of 19th century Irish emigration, proved attractive to a sizeable number of Irish emigrants and how subsequent Irish immigration in the area, itself a consequence of the colonisation of Ireland by the British crown, came to serve British imperial and colonial interests.
The Tesseney cotton plantation

Authors:

Grisoni, Tommaso
N/A
tommaso.grisoni62@gmail.com
The Tesseney cotton plantation was developed under Italian colonial rule in Eritrea from 1901 to 1941, at the frontier with Anglo-Egyptian Sudan. Filling a gap in scholarly publications, the contribution will focus on the changing labour regimes and recruitment strategies chosen by colonial administrators and entrepreneurs willing to force a diverse semi-nomadic population into cotton growing. With the transition from liberal to fascist rule in the 1920s, a tenancy system was finally enforced. This may be explained by the inter-imperial competition to attract the workforce of Muslim pilgrims, the wage policies of Italian Eritrea, and the balancing of reason of State and private profit in a porous frontier region. This system, used in cotton growing worldwide at the time, relies on indebted semi-proletarian families, depending on a volatile global market. In this particular case, the colonial State tried to alleviate the precarious living conditions for this population it wanted to sedentarise.A dive into the longer history of the macro-regional subsistence economy, disrupted by the 1881-1899 crisis, is necessary to understand why the new labour regime failed to solve the workforce shortage. Nonetheless, the plantation was key for the colonial restructuring of the relations of social reproduction in the region. It embodied the landscape and waterscape that resulted from dispossession, catalysing the rise to power of the Ḫathmiya Sufi order and other notables. A consistent socio-ecological project was progressively imposed by a heterogeneous hegemonic bloc, preventing subaltern groups to enact their own recovery strategies. For many, those transformations paved the way to the 1940s and 1970s famines.
Continuing Colonial Labor Formation from Colony to Metropole Under Continuing “Primitive” Accumulation: Laboring-Poor Populations in Puerto Rico and New York City, 1914- 1930 and 1970-1990

Authors:

Santiago-Valles, Kelvin
Binghamton University-SUNY
stgokel@binghamton.edu
This paper focuses on laboring-poor social conditions in the U.S. colony of Puerto Rico and in New York City during 1914-1930 and 1970-1990 vis-à-vis for the mostly white laboring populations in New York City and the United States in general throughout both periods. This multi-level comparison is framed as part of the configuration of the asymmetrically polarized global labor force in each era, exemplifying the structurally racialized precarity of colonial labor as a defining characteristic of ongoing “primitive” accumulation. The paper illustrates: (a) the extent to which capitalism on a world scale has required that laboring poor migrants to the “Mother Country” from occupied territories remain constituted as an inherently colonial-racialized work force; and (b) that, in this sense, the world-historical conceptualization of colonial labor should not be limited to juridico-political formalities (e.g., subject people under direct colonialism vs. gaining de jure citizenship within the metropole, etc.). If indeed colonial labor is structural, not juridico-formal, this has implications for understanding and addressing the large demographic movements from the global periphery to the core capitalist countries over the past two centuries, including the migratory flows to the West and Japan from a Global South undergoing postwar formal decolonization up to the present. Lastly, this paper also seeks to add to the growing scholarship demonstrating how the harsher methods of socioeconomic dispossession under so-called primitive accumulation not only persist beyond the transition to capitalism but also, in the case of [reconceptualized] colonial labor, likewise continue to shape labor formation within the metropole.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 219

19. Economic and Industrial Democracy

Social Movements and Struggles for Workplace Democracy: Feminism, trade unionism, and civil rights

Chair: Aurélie Andry

Since at least the end of the 18th century, social reformers, labor leaders, organized workers, and political movements have promoted democratic control of the workplace, industry, and economic life as a crucial precondition not only for social justice and material security but also for political democracy more generally. In so doing, they have highlighted that when workers and employees lack effective voice at work and control over the labor process, their political participation and formal political equality is seriously curtailed more broadly. Indeed, many have argued that political democracy will fail to materialize or, where it existed, soon experience ‘backsliding’ should democratic rights over work, industry, and the economy be withheld or decline. Against this backdrop, intellectuals, political and trade union actors, and social movements proposed a wide range of theories as well as practical measures that underlined the participation of employees and labor in decision-making as a prerequisite for the sustainability of democratic rule. In light of the current attacks on democratic institutions, we believe that now is the time to re-think what role the improvement and expansion of employee participation in industrial and economic decision-making might play in the fight for the future of our democracies.
Today, growing fears of democratic erosion in the political sphere happen to follow on the heels of a general decline of economic democracy over the last decades. For this reason, we want to explore the role that ‘democracy’ has played in the thinking, organizing, and lived experiences of past and present-day individuals and movements pushing for greater control over individual workplaces, whole industries, and entire economies. Instead of concentrating on how workplace democracy has impacted economic performance, productivity, and employee satisfaction–the focus of much previous research–we want to go to the heart of our subject and ask: whether, how, and why democracy at work strengthens and improves democracy in a variety of other social spheres, from families and civic organizations to local communities, the nation state and the international arena? For this purpose, we are proposing a series of panels that go beyond the historical gaze of our working group’s previous activities.

Panel 4: Social Movements and Struggles for Workplace Democracy: Feminism, trade unionism, and civil rights

ORGANIZERS

Philipp Urban
philipp.urban@ruhr-uni-bochum.de
Ruhr University Bochum
Aurélie Andry
aurelie.andry@eui.eu
University of Bochum
Thomas Adams
thomasadams@southalabama.edu
University of South Alabama
Industrial and Economic Democracy in Mid 20th Century America

Authors:

Steve Fraser
Academy for Socialist Education
fraser927@aol.com
During the early years of the 20th century in the United States, forms of industrial and economic democracy were pioneered by garment worker unions and others. These efforts and accomplishments were simultaneously driven by political and industrial concerns. They were complex in origin and execution thanks to the ethno-cultural and political diversity of the workforce and the contending differences among elite circles in the national arena.Innovations in industrial and economic democracy devised during the first two decades of the 20th century became exemplary during the evolution of the CIO and the New Deal during the Great Depression of the 1930s and during the war years that followed. They established the far horizon of the politically possible during that period, and illuminated how, what had begun as an experiment in workplace democracy, might be transformed into management strategy.My paper will explore a range of issues: Why was there rank and file resistance to these early forms of industrial democracy? What was the relationship between older forms of workers’ control and these more formal, institutionalized kinds of industrial democracy? Why were certain elite political and management circles so taken with the idea of industrial and economic democracy? Were war-time calls for co-management doomed to die on the vine? Is American-style social democracy, or what might be more aptly described as democratic capitalism, both emancipatory and a constraint on the movement to democratize the economy?
Women’s role in activism in post-colonial West Bengal (1947-70)

Authors:

Supurna Banerjee
Institute of Development Studies, Kolkata
banerjee.supurna@gmail.com
The decades of 1950s and 1960s are considered silent decades in women’s movement in India particularly in states like West Bengal. Some (e.g. Desai, 1986; Banerjee, 1998) have accorded this to the general optimism that pre-independence women’s movement and its leaders had in the new state and a trust in its commitment to gender equality. Others (e.g. Sarmin, 2016) have held that in the context of West Bengal the silence could be understood through the sidelining of women’s issues in the face of social, economic and political crisis that ensued with the Partition. Recent research, however, contests this claim of silence by arguing that women’s activism during this period while not manifesting itself in mainstream women’s movement was in fact very much present as is evident in refugee rehabilitation movements, prisoner relief movements and the like (Chakravartty, 2005). The refugee crisis of 1950s Bengal was linked crucially also with the issue of livelihood and we show how women’s activism also centred around the question of work—its availability, dignity and larger questions of democracy of the workplace. While there has been some discussion around women in informal sector (e.g. Sen, 2021), there is a complete silence around women’s employment in the formal sector. Women’s activism around issues of livelihood in this sector could be located across three planes—in the work of professional activists and women leaders who sought to influence policies around women’s work and work conditions, through a gendered analysis of some of the prominent movements around work at that time e.g., teacher’s movement, movement of insurance employees, bank employees’ movements and finally through study of everyday lived experience of women’s activism in their workplace. Through a study of archival records, legislative assembly debates, newspaper reports and oral history interviews this paper seeks to document women’s activism in formal sector across these three planes and argue that women were in fact active participants in the political and economic workings of the democracy.
The March on Washington Movement’s Fight for Fair Employment and Industrial Democracy in the United States

Authors:

Katie Rader
University at Albany, SUNY
krader@albany.edu
This paper explores the nexus of economic democracy and industrial democracy by examining the development of national coalitions of racial advocacy organizations and labor unions to fight for fair employment in the United States during World War II. Drawing on an empirical case study from my current book project, I examine how, under the leadership of A. Philip Randolph, a new coalition (the March on Washington Movement) emerged to press for fair employment in the U.S. economy, an important facet of industrial democracy. The MOWM brought together racial advocacy organizations, labor unions, and other reform-minded organizations to secure greater inclusion of minorities in U.S. defense industries, which were booming as a result of expanded wartime production. The MOWM’s efforts led to the creation of a new federal agency, the Fair Employment Practices Committee (FEPC), which pursued novel methods to mediate industrial disputes, at the individual, firm, and industry level. Importantly, the MOWM’s pressure and influence on the FEPC also highlighted important ideological and strategic commonalities and differences within the group, which influenced the durability of their coalition in the longer term. Furthermore, this paper situates the MOWM’s efforts to pursue fair employment in broader debates over the U.S. intervention in World War II, particularly considering the war’s implications for the economy and democracy. Randolph, as well as his allies in the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), initially opposed U.S. intervention in the war, viewing expansive militarism as a possible gateway to repression of minority groups, including both trade unionists and racial minorities. Yet this view shifted and evolved, especially for Randolph, as he weighed these concerns against an interest in promoting fair employment and ensuring that minorities were beneficiaries of wartime economic production. Thus, this paper examines both the important coalitional efforts that resulted at the juncture of industrial and economic democracy, and the tensions and challenges that those efforts raised.

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 220

9. Maritime Labour History

(II) Life, Culture and Mutual Support in Maritime Communities

Chair: Loockx, Kristof

kristof.loockx@uantwerpen.be

Centre for Urban History, University of Antwerp

This session examines life, culture, and mutual support in maritime communities from the seventeenth to the twentieth century across Europe and the Atlantic world. It explores how maritime workers and their families forged solidarities and systems of care that sustained seafaring careers and helped communities navigate risk, mobility and separation. Such support took many forms, from kinship ties, mentorship and community networks to benevolent societies, systems of care and everyday practices of reproductive labour. At the same time, maritime life was subject to regulation, surveillance and contestation, whether through state authorities, unions, religious organisations or civic institutions. These interventions reflected broader concerns about order, respectability and identity, yet they also generated spaces of negotiation, conflict and accommodation. By examining the interplay of solidarity, regulation and everyday practice, the session highlights the diversity of maritime communities and the cultural, social and economic relations that sustained them. It shows that seafarers were closely connected to wider communities, that women and marginalised groups played central roles in maintaining maritime life, and that port cities were sites of both integration and tension. Overall, the contributions demonstrate how maritime communities were not peripheral but integral to understanding wider processes of social organisation, cultural identity and collective support in early modern and modern societies.

ORGANIZERS

Loockx, Kristof
kristof.loockx@uantwerpen.be
Centre for Urban History, University of Antwerp
Moore, Graham
Graham.Moore@nationalarchives.gov.uk
The National Archives, UK
Vasilaki, Kalliopi
kk.vasilaki@gmail.com
Università degli studi di Genova
White and Colonial Seamen in British Sailortowns (1914-1939)

Authors:

Cousin, Justine
Université de Caen
cousinhg@gmail.com
Waterfront district and sailortown populations are fluid and diverse, replenished and reconfigured by migration from overseas. These spaces accommodated sojourners and colonial settlers from an array of ethnicities who worked within the Britain’s maritime industry. British sailortowns developed specific racial characteristics that depended on the industrial structure of steamship companies, as well as kinship and boarding house networks operating within each town. The exigencies of the First World War introduced a significant population of British colonial subjects from the empire to the metropole’s sailortowns and maritime labour force, but at the same time raised questions about continued desirability of their presence. Shipping employers socially engineered a split labour market within the merchant shipping industry to exploit a cheaper source of labour from colonised mariners. Hence, the British seamen’s union often targeted non-white seamen as scapegoats for any economic slowdown and decline of job opportunities within the industry. Hostility took place amid the xenophobic climate of war, exemplified with the passage of the War Time Acts, the Aliens Restriction Act and Coloured Alien Seamen’s Order in the 1920s. Public opinion was often hostile with fears of miscegenation blaming interracial relationships. Race riots even occurred in 1919 and 1930. However, British sailortowns also experienced slow processes of acculturation. Many colonial seafarers settled and married local women, operated businesses, and participated in civil institutions. To accommodate the influx of colonial seafarers, migrant businesspersons and boardinghouse keepers expanded their operations in sailortowns opening new accommodation, cafes and religious premises often granted by local councils. Some of them kept memories in oral histories of the variable politics of inclusion and exclusion. Among sections of the labour movement, solidarity began to develop through organisations like the Seamen’s Minority Movement that called for inter-racial trade unionism and sought to repeal the PC5 and Rota System that restrained employment of colonial seamen. This presentation will highlight the processes of migration, cultural change, and protean nature of Britain’s cosmopolitan sailortowns by considering their economic, political, and labour relations.
Swedish sailor life in foreign ports, 1925-1936

Authors:

Högberg, Joel
Malmö University
joel.hogberg@mau.se
The presentation is a summary of the first chapter of my coming PhD thesis. The purpose of the thesis is to study a process of social engineering in a maritime setting, between the years of 1929 and 1952. More specifically the purpose is to study the how the lifestyles of Swedish merchant seamen were perceived and handled by a variety of Swedish actors – united by their vested interests in the way maritime workers behaved in their free time – in a modern period where the everyday life of the working class became an important political problem, as well as an object of bureaucratic planning. For various spatial reasons that will be discussed during the presentation, I propose that the everyday lives of seamen were especially problematic in this political context. And these problematic spatial factors became especially pronounced when Swedish seamen lived their free time abroad, on continental water fronts. In the presentation I will discuss how the problem of seaman life in foreign ports was perceived, formulated, and handled by a group of actors (maritime union- and employer organizatons, sailor churches and state institutions) in Sweden during the years 1929-1936. Through this discussion, my understanding of the spatial problematic of seaman life will becomes apparent. But the presentation will also touch on the emergence of what I call a corporatist system of discipline during the years in question, as a response to the “problem” of maritime leisure in foreign settings, and the central role that spatial planning (and spatial production) came to play in this system, as a tool for social control.
Living the Port City: Violence, Conflicts, and Disorder in Nineteenth-Century Genoa

Authors:

Scavino, Leonardo
University of Genoa
leonardo.scavino@unige.it
This paper seeks to contribute to the broader historiographical debate on the nature and representation of port cities, paying particular attention to the ways in which port infrastructures, urban spaces, and maritime communities interacted with one another. The concept of the port city has often been evoked in suggestive but imprecise ways, while the related notion of sailortown has been used to describe those districts where seafarers concentrated, found lodging, and sought leisure. The Genoese case provides an opportunity to test these categories and to reflect on their heuristic value. In mid-nineteenth-century Genoa, the constant presence of sailors—local, national, and increasingly foreign—deeply shaped everyday life in the port districts, often producing phenomena of violence, disorder, and illegality that required the intervention of the public security forces. Drawing on the daily and periodic reports compiled by the police and the gendarmerie between the 1860s and 1870s, this research reconstructs a broad and diverse set of incidents directly involving seafarers. These are analyzed both in relation to the urban spaces in which they occurred and to the typologies of crime that characterized them. The evidence suggests that, while sailors were central to urban conflict and disorder, there is no indication of a single, tightly bounded sailortown. Instead, episodes were distributed across the three waterfront districts of Pré, Maddalena, and Molo, an area too large and heterogeneous to be considered a clearly delimited zone of interaction between port and city. This distribution highlights the peculiarities of Genoa as a port city: its maritime community, increasingly international in composition due to the growth of long-distance trade, remained integrated within the broader social fabric of the historic center, thus complicating conventional definitions of sailortown and underscoring the need to rethink the analytical categories used to study port cities.
Building Maritime Workers Area for the Bourbon Royal Royal Navy: The Charente Valley (XVIIth -XVIIIth century)

Authors:

Temdaoui, Jean-Christophe
Université de Poitiers
jean.christophe.temdaoui@univ-poitiers.fr
From the Rochefort arsenal foundation (1666) to the Napoleonian First Empire, the Charente valley becomes an interesting corridor for the growing Bourbon Royal Navy. Known for artillery production and wines and spirits trade, the river environment is taken under influence of Navy needs, especially to bring from the hinterland sailors and harbour workers. As a consequence, sailors used to sailing on the Charente, are listed, enlisted and embarked on royal ships for wars and trade on the Atlantic. From Lorient to Bordeaux, they experience news labour forms and contexts. Archives from the Saintes maritime administration make possible the reconstitution of this recruitment evolution throughout the XVIIIth century, especially from Maurepas administration under Louis XV to the French Revolution. Unlike littoral societies, the Charente valley is the territory of an atlantic experience that takes end with the Napoleonian Forst Empire. The reducing density of the recruitment both in time and space shows how the intensity of trade and wars of the XVIIIth century make imperative the research of workers in the hinterland. Registers of the Saintes maritime bureau gives the opportunity to ask how oceans contexts and royal governance during the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries create new opportunities for hinterland riverrural sailors communities. How do these comunities react in front of the sea projection of the hinterland held by the monarchy and its officers ? So, this presentation begin by demonstrating the relevant aspect of these maritime administration archives (two Charente maritime district registers, one from 1727 to 1738, the second from 1783 to the Napoleonian First Empire, an enlisting register of the Saintes district and an original Saintes maritime officer diary written during the American Independance War and after). Then, relying on maps and graphics linked with a statistical exploitation of these archives, the talk deals with the evolution of the recruitment and its significative expanding area of the Atlantic experience. At the end, a qualitative approach, base on juridical notaries archives evoking sailors of the valley, will question what experiencing or becoming a Bourbon Navy sailors can mean for them, native from the hinterland.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 222

9. Maritime Labour History

(II) Labour Conflicts Aboard and Ashore in a Global Perspective

Chair: Vasilaki, Kalliopi

kk.vasilaki@gmail.com

Università degli studi di Genova

This session explores how authority in maritime worlds was negotiated and contested from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. It examines how different actors—merchant seafarers, enlisted sailors, ship captains, patrones, shipbuilders, and shipyard workers—confronted or defended hierarchies in diverse settings across Europe, the Americas, and Asia. The papers analyse maritime conflicts that arose aboard ships and ashore over discipline, hierarchy, and labour conditions, both in the merchant marine and in navy. By juxtaposing conflicts at sea with those in shipyards and dockyards, the session emphasises the multiple arenas in which maritime authority was contested. Some contributions highlight shipboard unrest—such as in the Dutch merchant fleet of the eighteenth century, in the Royal Navy at Invergordon in 1931, and in the Royal Indian Navy revolt of 1946—while others trace disputes in shipyards and professional contexts, from the conflicts between ship captains and patrones in Spain in the age of steam, to the authority struggles between naval intendants and shipbuilders in colonial Brazil, to labour struggles in Quebec’s shipyards. Together, these case studies show that maritime authority was constantly negotiated. They reveal that labour conflicts were at once local and global, rooted in specific contexts but also part of broader processes that reshaped relations of work, discipline, and power.

ORGANIZERS

Vasilaki, Kalliopi
kk.vasilaki@gmail.com
Università degli studi di Genova
Page Campos, Eduard
eduardpage@ub.edu
Universitat de Barcelona
Loockx, Kristof
kristof.loockx@uantwerpen.be
Centre for Urban History, University of Antwerp
Le Havre 1928, a turning point in labor relations caused by a massive strike

Authors:

Barzman, John
University of Le Havre
john.barzman@gmail.com
During the 1990s and after, European policy makers changed laws and regulations affecting labor relations in European ports. But it gradually became obvious that existing practices were not the exclusive result of state regulations, but rooted in the relationship of forces on the ground, sometimes established decades earlier by strikes and social conflict. A brief review of relevant literature on the role of strikes and regulations in the maritime and port environment will be proposed.In the major French port of Le Havre, the shift from rapid alternation of relative social peace and substantial conflict (about 1890 to 1920s), to a stable situation of trade union strength and control, accepted by public authorities (1928 to today), took place in 1928, not as a result of a legislative reform, but through a massive strike of dockworkers. Thereafter union members were able to refuse to work with non-union members, a situation which continues to this day. The category of workers registered as dockers became 100 % unionized, and what is also remarkable, in a single union, the CGT, a rather rare configuration in the French labor landscape.This important shift is examined in our book Les dockers du Havre, de la révolution à nos jours, PURH, 2024, based on research in a combination of national archives (Transport, Interior, Commerce Ministries), local archives (Seine maritime and Le Havre), daily and trade newspapers, as well as interviews of actors. Our paper will seek to highlight the different phases of the 1928 conflict, its insertion in the national and international curve of strikes, and the paths through which trade union power was maintained in the following decades of economic crisis, war, and repeated technological change.
Authority and Authorship: The Intendant–Shipbuilder Conflict at the Royal Arsenal of Bahia (1796-1812)

Authors:

Saldanha, Nuno
Universidade Europeia
nunosaldanha@netcabo.pt
The dispute between the shipbuilder Manuel da Costa and the naval intendants at the Arsenal of Bahia in the closing decades of the eighteenth century and the early years of the nineteenth century, constitutes a paradigmatic case of the tensions between administrative–political authority and the emergent technical and creative autonomy of the newly institutionalised corps of Constructor Engineers, within the broader framework of the Portuguese Navy’s modernisation efforts. Dispatched to the city of Salvador da Bahia in 1796 with the commission to construct a 74-gun ship of the line, Manuel da Costa epitomised a new generation of technically trained professionals, whose legitimacy was grounded in a royal charter that granted him exclusive authority over the design and planning of naval vessels. This charter expressly prohibited any form of interference in his work – including from Navy intendants. This normative innovation, however, clashed with the entrenched practices of the Brazilian shipyards, where, historically, ship designs had been issued from Lisbon, relegating master shipwrights to the role of mere executors. In this context, the Navy intendants, long accustomed to asserting decisive influence over local shipbuilding processes, resisted what they perceived as an encroachment upon their traditional prerogatives. Over the course of more than a decade, Manuel da Costa was subjected to persistent obstruction, institutional hostility, and repeated abuses of power at the hands of the intendants. His principal grievances included deliberate delays, systematic refusal to allocate essential materials and qualified personnel, and, most critically, interference in the technical plans he had drafted. In response, the intendants accused the constructor of insubordination and of acting without due authorisation, all the while professing ignorance of the legal instruments underpinning his claims – a deliberate strategy aimed at undermining the newly established administrative order. At the heart of this conflict lay the collision between two distinct modalities of power: on the one hand, the authority of scientific and technical expertise, institutionally legitimised by royal decree; on the other, the resilient local authority of the intendants, grounded in custom and administrative tradition. The dispute thus illuminates a broader juridic-institutional tension arising from a significant shift in the socio-professional status of shipwrights, who were now endowed with full creative autonomy and institutional independence from the local administrative hierarchy.
Quebec’s Waterfronts at War: Shipyard Rivalries and Labour Revolt, 1918–1919

Authors:

Ewen, Geoffrey
Glendon College, York University
gewen@yorku.ca
This paper examines the contested world of Quebec shipyards during the final years of the First World War and the turbulent labour revolt of 1919. At stake was not only the control of wages, hours, and working conditions but also the very form of unionism that would prevail along Quebec’s waterfronts. Shipbuilding had become one of Quebec’s major wartime industries. Beginning with submarine hulls at the Vickers shipyard in Montréal in 1915, production expanded rapidly to include naval and merchant vessels, both steel and wood, at Montréal, Trois-Rivières, Sorel, Québec City, and Lévis. By 1918, these yards were central to Canada’s war effort, employing thousands of workers whose skills and mobility linked Quebec’s ports to wider North Atlantic and imperial supply chains. Workers organised accordingly. International unions affiliated with the American Federation of Labor (AFL) established strongholds in Montréal and, through Marine Trades Federations, pressed militant demands for shorter hours, higher pay, and union recognition. Yet in Quebec, they faced a challenge unique in North America: the rise of a Catholic labour movement rooted in French-Canadian and European social Catholicism and sustained by a francophone minority wary of foreign-led unions. Historians have often stressed the militancy of Catholic unions after 1917, arguing they differed little from their AFL rivals. This paper offers a different reading. Through a close comparison of demands, rhetoric, and strike action, it argues that Catholic unions in the shipyards continued to pursue a more conciliatory strategy: lower wage claims, longer hours, and an aversion to strikes or class conflict. Their stance was not a wartime departure but rather a continuity with pre-1917 traditions of appeasing employers. The case of Quebec’s shipyards thus illuminates a distinctive fault line in maritime labour history: an industrial conflict shaped not by radical left currents, as in many North American ports, but by a contest between internationalist AFL unionism and a Catholic alternative that sought to reconcile labour with the imperatives of employers and the Church. The paper situates this rivalry within broader patterns of wartime mobilisation, post-war labour unrest, and the transnational circulation of labour ideologies across the Atlantic and within North America. By placing Quebec’s waterfronts in the North American framework of maritime labour history, this study underscores how local contexts, linguistic, religious, and political, reshaped global struggles over the organisation of dock and shipyard labour in the age of war and revolution.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 220

2. European Trade Unionism

Trade Unions and European Integration: from the 1950s to nowadays

Chair: Claude Roccati

claude.roccati@orange.fr

Centre d’histoire sociale des mondes contemporains, Paris I Sorbonne

Discussants:

Sigfrido Ramirez Pérez
sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu
Mondes Modernes et Contemporaines, Université Libre de Bruxelles

This panel brings together three researchers which present various aspects of the relationship of European trade unions with the process of European integration since the 1950s to nowadays. All are based in monograph that the authors have completed on these topics.

ORGANIZERS

Sigfrido Ramirez Pérez
sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu
Mondes Modernes et Contemporaines, Université Libre de Bruxelles
The Impact of Trade Unions on Transnational Socialist Social Policy and Migration Policy in the early European Communities

Authors:

Brian Shaev
Leiden University
b.shaev@hum.leidenuniv.nl
This presentation analyses the interaction between trade unions and the transnational Socialist Group in the early European parliament regarding core features of European social and migration policy in the 1950s-1960s. The presentation begins by discussing divisions between European trade unionists on European reconstruction and the International Authority of the Ruhr in the 1940s, which pitted Belgian against German trade unions. It then examines the work of the Socialist Group in the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community, which included many members with trade union backgrounds including Gerard Nederhorst, the Dutch chair of the assembly’s Social Affairs Committee. To the frustration of Socialist Group members, trade unions dragged their feet on Socialist Group initiatives in the mid-1950s regarding proposals to create parity committees of workers and employers and an ECSC-wide minimum wage for coal and steel workers. The group itself was divided on French-Belgian Socialist demands for social harmonization as German trade unionists pressured the group to keep collective bargaining national. Only when the 1958 coal crisis struck at the heart of German coal-mining employment did the coal miners union (IG Bergbau) and German trade union confederation (DGB) shift position to offer clear support for supranational social policy under the new banner of ‘Social Europe.’ Following this, the DGB, European trade unionists and the Socialist Group were largely aligned on social policy in the European Parliamentary Assembly/European Parliament but, to the frustration of its European trade union partners, the DGB resisted the implementation of the Free Movement of Workers in the early 1960s.
Dortmund, July 4, 1964 — The Forgotten Day of a Call for Social Europe

Authors:

Nicolas Verschueren
MMC-Université libre de Bruxelles
Nicolas.Verschueren@ulb.be
On July 4, 1964, some 25,000 miners from across Europe gathered in Dortmund to demand the creation of a European Statute for Mineworkers, the advancement of a Social Europe, and the establishment of a European industrial policy. With the participation of Dino Del Bo, then President of the High Authority of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), this remarkable mobilization represents—so far as current research suggests—the very first European-level demonstration explicitly centered on the idea of social Europe. Despite its pioneering nature, this event has largely faded from the historiography of European integration. Several factors may explain this omission: the abandonment of the European Statute for Miners in 1967; the evanescence of the “social Europe”; and perhaps the dissolution of both the High Authority and any coherent vision for a European industrial policy. This paper builds upon previous, only partially published research, and introduces new archival material recently revealed in the archives of the DGB (German Trade Union Confederation) in Bochum. These findings will form the basis of a renewed investigation into the Dortmund demonstration and, more broadly, into the European Statute for Mineworkers—a project which has yet to receive the scholarly attention it merits. In addition to the DGB archives, the research will draw on ECSC documents held in Brussels, as well as materials housed at the International Institute of Social History (IISH), including those of the “Committee of 21,” which brought together leading trade union figures from ECSC member states and served as the crucible for the Statute’s development.
Interpreting the European Union: Trade Union Debates on Social Europe

Authors:

Darragh Golden
University College Dublin
darragh.golden@ucd.ie
The year 1973 holds significant importance for Irish trade unionism. Firstly, joining the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) signalled an abandonment of splendid isolation, its default position resulting from previous, post-war affiliation debates with other international union organisations. Secondly, the Irish Congress of Trade Unions voted in favour of admitting the communist, Italian Confederazione Generale Italiana dei Lavoratori to the ETUC, a proposition unthinkable some years earlier. The support of trade unions has been considered critical to the legitimacy of the European Union (EU) since its outset. Along with the ETUC, both the Irish and Italian confederations regularly promote the idea of a ‘Social Europe’ by way of justifying continued support for the European Union (EU), and its flagship projects, namely the Single Market Programme and monetary union. However, since the mid-2000s, the EU has undergone significant changes, notably the eastern enlargement, and faced significant challenges with the Euro crisis, Brexit and more recently the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Nevertheless, the ‘Social Europe’ concept remains an important one for organised labour. Yet, what exactly does the ‘Social Europe’ vision involve? There is a consensus among scholars that the idea of ‘Social Europe’ is a somewhat ambiguous and unhelpful term. The objective of this paper is to unpack the different meanings attributed to ‘Social Europe’. This is done by tracing Irish and Italian trade union confederations’ discourse on the composite idea of ‘Social Europe’ across time by using the various EU treaties — Single European Act, Treaty on European Union, Amsterdam Treaty, Nice Treaty, Constitutional Treaty, Lisbon Treaty, and Fiscal Compact — as framing devices. The EU treaty debates are particularly useful in deciphering how the ‘Social Europe’ term is used and whether it has evolved across time. By studying trade union debates across time, it is possible to differentiate between ‘ever closer union’ and ‘unity in diversity’ as complementary, but also competing, visions of a ‘Social Europe’.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 209

15. Labour and Empire

Constructing and negotiating precarity across African colonial labor regimes

Chair: Nicki Kindersley

kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk

Cardiff University

Constructing and negotiating precarity in African colonial labour regimes.

ORGANIZERS

Nicki Kindersley
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
Cardiff University
Framing Migration Flows from Nigeria to Gabon: between Inter-Imperial Legal Circulations, Regional Competition and the Local Production of Regulation (1946-1950s)

Authors:

Demeule, Maxence
ENS de Lyon (LARHRA)/Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne (CHS)
max.demeule@orange.fr
This proposal looks into how French and British colonial authorities but also colonial Gabonese employers’ associations tried shaping a new migratory flow from Nigeria to Gabon between 1946 and the 1950s, in a context of assumed labour scarcity in the latter colony. Contrary to previous studies concerned with how preexisting seasonal migrations (such as navétanat, for instance) had been transformed by colonization, this paper will aim at understanding how migration standards between two empires were produced through the interactions between several actors present at different scales. In particular, this paper will focus on how previous experiences dedicated to recruiting foreign workers (and located in more industrial regions of Africa such as the Copperbelt and the Witwatersrand, and in settler colonies like Southern Rhodesia) were mobilized during the negotiations taking place between French and British officials. The paper will therefore discuss the way in which the Law governing migration circulated between empires and it will study how the ILO standards regulating migrations, which were discussed during the Franco-British negotiations, weighed on those taking place between Nigeria and Gabon. This presentation will also highlight the fact that this bilateral agreement was favored by inter-imperial cooperation initiatives which were being built in the aftermath of World War II. It will study how the lasting regional competition between employers from Spanish Guinea and Gabon, for access to Nigerian manpower, outlined a new form of management which differed from that agreed upon in the negotiated agreement. Finally, this paper will show that, at a local level, when logging camps in Gabon were inspected by the British officials responsible for the protection of Nigerian workers, the claims expressed by these workers and the arbitration decisions made then led to local adjustments finally resulting in a revision of the general agreement previously mentioned.This presentation will rest upon archival materials pertaining to colonial recruitment agreements circulated by French consuls (kept in the Centre des Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes). It will also rely on internal reports by the administration of French Equatorial Africa (collected at the Archives Nationales d’Outre-Mer, Aix-en-Provence) which provide insights both into the negotiation process leading to the agreement and into its implementation on the spot, from 1950 onwards.
La précarisation socio-économique des travailleurs au Cameroun colonial

Authors:

Abissi, Rose Angeline
Université de Douala
roseangelineabissi@gmail.com
Les Européens installés au Cameroun suite à la Révolution industrielle et les besoins qui en étaient liés avaient pour objectif principal l’exploitation des ressources du territoire. Convaincus du postulat de la paresse du Noir ces Européens (Allemands et Français) le contraignirent au travail, Développant les idéologies raciales et racialistes ils estimèrent qu’il ne fallait pas payer ou très peu, les travailleurs camerounais, puisqu’on leur rendait service en les mettant au travail. Bien plus, il fallait tirer un maximum de profit des investissements. Fondée sur la théorie de la dépendance, les sources écrites et archivistiques seront exploitées dans le but de démontrer que les colons au Cameroun avaient par l’introduction de l’économie de traite et ses adjuvants le salariat et le numéraire, transformés les populations qui produisaient à leur rythme pour satisfaire des besoins limités en ouvriers dépendants et vulnérables. Les travailleurs étaient contraints d’abandonner leurs propres modes de subsistance ou de revenus pour dépendre de plus en plus d’un salaire bas, inique et irrégulier, soumis à des contrats dont les termes leur échappaient. Le manque de qualification dans le nouveau contexte fit d’eux des masses de prolétaires dans les centres urbains et péri-urbains, prolétaires, composés de tous les travailleurs et salariés des différents secteurs de production et de l’administration, auxquels on pouvait adjoindre les paysans expropriés.
Resistances of African and Malagasy engagés on the island of Réunion (1848-1914)

Authors:

Soriano, Riccardo
N/A
riccardo6742@gmail.com
Following the decree that abolished definitively slavery in the French colonies on 27 April 1848, there was a massive desertion of the sugar cane plantations of the island of Réunion by freed slaves, when the local economy was rapidly moving towards a sugar monoculture that would characterise it until the early decades of the 20th century. They were quickly replaced by engagés (or indentured workers) from East Africa and Madagascar, China and, above all, India.Africans and Malagasy workers were affected by the slave trade and continued to be so in the second half of the 19th century. Moreover, they were described by the local landlords and administration as docile and enjoyed fewer protections than Indians and Chinese. However, this category of workers resisted exploitation. They did so by sparking riots on ships, by verbally affirming their opposition to the engagements and by carrying out actions of preservation, such as theft, or of disruption, such as fleeing from workplaces, even going so far as to organise collective protests.Drawing on an extensive archival research, the paper would seek to describe in detail the way in which these forms of resistances were carried out. Moreover, this empirical research would serve to complexify the distinction between free and unfree labour at different phases in the history of capitalism(s) (Rioux, LeBaron and Verovšek, 2020; Hobson, 2020; van der Linden, 2020) and to broaden the definition of what is meant by resistance to exploitation (de Certeau, 1980; Scott, 1985; Hardt and Negri, 2017).

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 204

2. European Trade Unionism

Spanish Trade Unions and European Integration (1973-2003)

Chair: Antonio Moreno Juste

amjuste@ghis.ucm.es

Complutense University Madrid

Discussants:

Emmanuele Treglia
emanutre@ucm.es
Complutense University Madrid

This session brings together members of a Spanish research project studying the role of Spanish civil society organisations, and in particular trade unions and employers, in the process of European integration. The papers presented in this section will deal with different key Spanish actors of this relationship and will be followed by a round-table of protagonists and actors involved, confronting memory and history of Spanish and European trade unionism in a critical manner.

ORGANIZERS

Sigfrido Ramirez Pérez
sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu
Mondes Modernes et Contemporaines, Université Libre de Bruxelles
Resisting Europeanization, Commitment to Social Europe: Spanish Trade Unions’ Responses to the Maastricht Treaty

Authors:

Rodrigo de la Torre Muñoz
Complutense University Madrid
rdelator@ucm.es
This research is framed by a theoretical approach closely related to two concepts that have recently gained prominence within the historiography of European integration. On the one hand, it addresses Europeanization in a broad sense—understood as a cultural shock, catalysed by the EEC, and composed of the various effects and influences stemming from the growing interdependence of European societies—an interpretation advanced by scholars such as Kiran Patel, Anton Hemerijck, Ben Rosamond, Mark Gilbert, Wolfram Kaiser, and Antonio Moreno. On the other hand, it aligns with recent studies on Social Europe—conceived as a transnational political project of fluctuating cooperation, characterized by the feedback loop between the harmonization of European welfare states and the development of a social dimension of European integration—a field developed in recent years by scholars such as Aurélie Andry, Sigfrido Ramírez, Simone Paoli, and Laurent Warlouzet. The aim of this paper is to examine the union strategies of Spain’s two main workers’ organizations, the Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT) and Comisiones Obreras (CCOO), as actors engaged and invested in European social policy in the context of the Maastricht Treaty. Starting from a fluctuating pattern of social dialogue since the first general strike of 1988, Spanish trade unions experienced a cultural shock in relation to their expectations of the Social Europe project and to the Europeanization of the welfare state, both of which had taken an increasingly ordoliberal direction since the Transition and the broader transformations of capitalism. Rather than fostering cohesion or social consensus among political forces and social partners, the Maastricht Treaty deepened the tensions of tripartite dialogue—a pattern that also extended to the transnational relations of European trade unionism vis-à-vis the EEC institutions. The central argument of this paper, however, is that Spanish trade unions channelled their criticisms regarding the Maastricht Treaty unevenly: they reinforced their discursive and mobilizing stance against the Spanish government, while adopting a slightly more assertive—but nonetheless critical—position toward the Community’s management, the trajectory of Social Europe, and its compatibility with Economic and Monetary Union (EMU). To substantiate this argument, the paper analyzes trade union responses to Spain’s second general strike in 1992, which was called in reaction to cuts in unemployment benefits prompted by the application of EMU convergence criteria. In this sense, the conflict may be understood as a form of contention more inclined toward denouncing or highlighting the social costs arising from the transformation of the European integration process, rather than opposing the process itself. Thus, the complexity of trade union responses underscores a strategy of resistance to the indirect and unwanted effects of Europeanization, while remaining aligned with the advancement of an economic integration project that incorporated social concerns.
For a Social Europe.” The Evolution of the European Discourse of Comisiones Obreras from 1989 to the Treaty of Amsterdam: Between Resistance to Europeanization and Alter-Europeanism.

Authors:

José Meroño Asenjo
Complutense University Madrid
jmerono@ucm.es
This paper seeks to provide an overview of the evolution of the discourse of Comisiones Obreras regarding European integration between 1988–1989—years in which the Spanish trade union defined its position on the European construction project then underway—and 1997, the year in which the Treaty of Amsterdam was approved. This was the first revision of the Maastricht Treaty, which had come into force in 1993 and marked the birth of the European Union. The research builds on existing works on the relationship between Spanish trade unions and European integration, particularly those of Sigfrido Ramírez, and draws on international political science and historiographical studies on Euroscepticism or resistance to European integration. However, this field has so far been scarcely explored in the Spanish context. In this sense, the paper introduces two new concepts of great utility for examining the case of trade unions: resistance to Europeanization—already mentioned by Hans Jörg Trenz , though scarcely developed; and alter-Europeanism, introduced by political scientists Michael Holmes and Knut Roder, though they limited it to the period following the 2008 crisis and to the left-wing political parties that emerged in Europe in its aftermath . These two new concepts aim to advance the understanding of critical approaches to European integration by providing new analytical frameworks and terminologies, while also developing a conceptual language more suited to the Spanish case. The central argument of this work is that Comisiones Obreras developed an alternative vision of European integration to the one actually being pursued during the 1980s and 1990s. The union of communist orientation not only opposed certain aspects of the process, but also put forward a complete alternative model, placing strong emphasis on the so-called Social Europe as well as on the political Europe that was beginning to take clearer shape in those years, especially after Maastricht. This alternative model was shaped, directly and indirectly, by the positions of Izquierda Unida and the Communist Party of Spain, whose debates and internal disagreements also spilled over into Comisiones Obreras. This was evident in the conflict that arose primarily between the groups led by Antonio Gutiérrez on the one hand, and by Agustín Moreno and Marcelino Camacho on the other. According to this research, the resistances to European integration that translated into a form of alter-Europeanism were also present in the case of Europeanization. The union resisted particularly during the debates and subsequent approval of the convergence plan adopted by the PSOE government after the Maastricht Treaty. On this, Comisiones Obreras gave a “critical yes”, but only after intense internal debates within the organization.
Spanish Trade Unionism and Social Europe: Perceptions and Implications for Employers

Authors:

Guillermo García Crespo
Universidad a Distancia de Madrid (UDIMA)
guillermo.garcia.crespo@gmail.com
The Spanish Transition to democracy and the subsequent accession to the European Communities in 1986 marked a decisive turning point for labor relations in Spain. Trade unions were compelled to redefine their strategies and positions, both domestically and within the European framework. Their stance toward the Single European Act and later the Treaties of Maastricht, Amsterdam, and Nice focused on advocating for a Social Europe capable of balancing the liberalizing effects of the single market. In this regard, their participation in European sectoral dialogue, in works councils, and above all their growing involvement with the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) proved crucial in strengthening their international projection and in articulating common demands on labor rights, collective bargaining, and social cohesion. From the perspective of the CEOE and Spanish employers, these union dynamics had a double impact. On the one hand, they introduced additional pressures through regulatory demands and calls for stronger social protection that were sometimes perceived as constraints on competitiveness. On the other hand, they provided a more predictable framework for dialogue and negotiation, essential in a context of economic modernization and increasing European interdependence. Thus, while union action at the European level occasionally created tensions with business interests, it also fostered common ground for dialogue that contributed to Spain’s adaptation to the single market. This will be the focus of the paper to be presented at the conference, which will analyze the role of Spanish trade unions from the Transition through EU accession and the early years thereafter, assessing how their European strategies were perceived by employers and what implications they had for the development of Social Europe and for the competitiveness of the Spanish economy.

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 208

10. Military Labour

Organising Soldiers II: Varieties of Resistance

Chair: Olli Siitonen

olli.siitonen@helsinki.fi

University of Helsinki

Military workers, including soldiers, have often engaged in strategies of resistance – to conscription, to combat operations, to inactivity. This resistance may be organised in groups, or enacted as individuals. Resistance in this context has usually been framed in terms of the objectives and needs of military command and control rather than through the language of the worker. Strikes become mutinies, leaving becomes desertion and betrayal. These situations are often entangled with other asymmetrical contexts like colonialism and imperialism. How are we to best interpret acts of resistance by military labourers? This panel explores this issue through specific examples from British India and Alaska and through a broader historical view across time.

ORGANIZERS

Olli Siitonen
olli.siitonen@helsinki.fi
University of Helsinki
Jeongmin Kim
Jeongmin.Kim@umanitoba.ca
University of Manitoba
Military Labour as an Alternative to Conscription? Informal and Nonviolent Resistance among Greek Labourers and Refugees on the Macedonian Front during the First World War

Authors:

Alexandros Touloumtzidis
University of Patras
altouloum@gmail.com
During the Franco-British occupation of Greek Macedonia between 1915 and 1918, a substantial number of civilians of Greek origin contributed their labour to support the Allied cause. These individuals were primarily labourers, contracted to work in a wide range of roles, including road construction, dock work, translation, supervision, and domestic service.The military movement that restored Eleftherios Venizelos, the deposed former Prime Minister, to power in regions such as Macedonia, the Aegean islands, and Crete, and, following the unification of Greece in June 1917, brought the country into the First World War, was accompanied by the issuing of conscription orders. However, years of political polarisation over Greece’s participation in the war, prolonged military readiness (dating from the Balkan Wars of 1912–13 and the mobilisation of 1915), and the presence of large numbers of refugees who had already endured conflict in Asia Minor, the Caucasus, and Bulgaria, created widespread reluctance to serve as conscripts. One common strategy of evasion was to enlist in the labour battalions of the Allied forces in Macedonia and the Aegean, often collectively and sometimes in organised groups.This paper examines how one form of military labour, the civilian labour in service of the army, operated as a means of resisting or avoiding another, namely the duties of a soldier and the participation in hostilities. Drawing upon the paradigm of Greek labourers and refugees during the First World War, the paper explores the political and class dimensions of this choice and situates military labour within broader modes of resistance to conscription and the act of killing, alongside mutiny, desertion, and other forms of non-violent refusal.
To Leave or to Live: Indian Soldiers’ Desertion, 1914–1918

Authors:

Satarupa Lahiri
University of Petroleum and Energy Studies, Dehradun
satarupalahiri@gmail.com
This paper seeks to examine the phenomenon of desertion in the Indian Army during the First World War, not as a straightforward act of betrayal, but as a profoundly human response to the violent dislocations of empire and war. Over a million Indian men served in the war, many motivated by economic necessity, familial honour, or coercion. Yet, a small but significant number chose to desert. Some fled the battlefield, others refused to fight co-religionists, and a few even aligned themselves with the enemy. Their stories have been largely silenced or dismissed in colonial records, reduced to criminality or cowardice.Through a close reading of military files, correspondence, court-martial records, and personal writings, from Major General Amar Singh’s diary to the testimonies of sepoys like Sisir Sarbadhikary, this paper attempts to recover the voices and motives of those who deserted. It argues that desertion was not always a rejection of duty, but often a form of moral protest, political awakening, or psychological breakdown in the face of unimaginable trauma. Some inflicted wounds upon themselves to escape, while others, driven by religious or ideological convictions, refused to fight fellow Muslims in Ottoman lands. For many, desertion was simply a desperate attempt to reclaim agency in a world that had violently stripped them of it.The paper further explores how British authorities responded to these acts through punitive legislation, public shaming, and confiscation of property, while occasionally revealing moments of ambivalence and bureaucratic inconsistency. Ultimately, this study invites us to view desertion not as a moral failure but as a window into the emotional and ethical lives of Indian soldiers. It contributes to a growing body of work that rethinks loyalty, dissent, and resistance within the colonial military experience.
“A case of simple adult maladjustment?” Absence without leave in the U.S. Army in WWII Alaska

Authors:

Hélène Solot
University Paris Nanterre
h.solot@parisnanterre.fr
On July 7, 1944, a 25-year old private named Dennie DeWeese was brought before a special court-martial in Nome, Alaska. He was charged with violating the 96th Article of War and specifically with “attempt[ting] to escape (...) when he was “a prisoner lawfully confined in the post guardhouse.” Indeed, barely two months earlier, DeWeese had been sentenced to four months hard labor after going absent without leave (AWOL). And this was not his first offence. By July 1944, DeWeese, who had been inducted into the US Army in Arkansas in February 1941, had gone AWOL eight times and had already tried to escape the military stockade at least once. Asked to evaluate him, a military surgeon reported “a case of simple adult maladjustment” while DeWeese’s direct superior expressed the view that he should be discharged “since the majority of his service has been spent in confinement and is of little value to a trained organization.” However, the Alaskan Command did not wish “to permit men to escape military service by way of dishonorable discharge” and DeWeese was not discharged but rather sentenced to an additional six-month hard labor.Based on an analysis of US Army records, in particular records of courts-martial, my paper will focus on this and other cases of American soldiers going AWOL in the Alaskan Department during the Second World War. It will show how American soldiers temporarily escaped from military control by going absent without leave and how military authorities tried to reassert this control. Specifically it will examine how military authorities tried to coerce the men into delivering the service and the work expected of them in a theater of war where few large-scale combat operations took place and men were mostly occupied with building infrastructure and operating supply lines.
Hurry Up and Wait: Inactivity and Class Formation in the Military Labor Experience

Authors:

Lawrence T. McDonnell
Iowa State University
lmcd@iastate.edu
Nobody likes to wait, especially soldiers in battle and in camp. Coerced inactivity has been a chief aspect of the military labor process from the Iliad to Jarhead, and soldiers’ memoirs and official documents provides abundant evidence that this struggle for control over labor time—where to work, how, and when—has shaped the class character of warfare from classical times to the modern day. This essay examines enforced inactivity as a neglected aspect of the struggle for workers’ control, central to the problem of military labor conflict and class formation.Until recently, military scholars and labor historians have considered compelled inactivity a subject unworthy of much discussion. Waiting has seemed a non-event, too trivial for research. The reactions it provokes, ranging from apathetic boredom to violent frustration, are categorized as private emotions, not political statements. Yet abundant evidence across a variety of military labor settings cascading down across the centuries shows that waiting was not merely a structural inefficiency to be endured. It was deliberately generated in the process of producing war for the specific purpose of labor control. Common soldiers recognized it as such and fought against it steadily and with growing coordination. Within the tumult—and enforced calm—of soldiering, class warfare has raged when soldiers were—apparently—doing nothing.Drawing upon a range of examples from Greek hoplites to the modern era, this paper especially focuses on four forms of military workers’ reactions to enforced inactivity. The Scottish Jacobite rebellion (1745-6) demonstrates how attempts to discipline Highlanders for linear warfare generated conflict and calamity. Evidence from the American Civil War (1861-5) shows how common soldiers ached to fight according to their own skills and instincts, abhorring commanders who kept them idle across months and seasons. From the Western Front of the First World War (1914-8), this paper considers how commanders and infantry struggled over the rotation of troops through gradations of the trench system, activating “safer” spaces and neutralizing the deadly front lines. Finally, I consider American military leadership’s attempts to regulate military violence and inactivity in Vietnam during 1966-70. On one side, fruitless “search and destroy” patrols embraced “search and avoid” tactics; on the other, trigger-pullers rebelled deliberately against policy regulating and restricting violence.As these examples show, central to the conduct of warfare at a granular level has always been a conflict over the management of the labor of military violence. The so-called “problem of command” has always been a class struggle over when, where, and how soldiers perform the work of war. The organization and development of warfare has simultaneously dynamized the cohesion and consciousness of military labor.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 206

20. Guild and artisan labor

Outside the Circle: Alternative Trajectories Beyond the Guild World

Chair: Hernández, Mar

intheukmar@gmail.com

U. Sheffield

Discussants:

Bellavitis, Anna
anna.bellavitis@univ-rouen.fr
U. Rouen (Normandie)

This session investigates forms of work, organization, and commerce that developed outside or beyond traditional guild structures. It explores how skilled laborers and artisans adapted in contexts where guilds were absent, dissolved, or in decline, and how new forms of association and regulation emerged in their place. Attention is given to alternative mechanisms of labor control, the persistence of hierarchies and apprenticeship models, and the ways in which workers sought to defend their skills and professional identities. The discussion also highlights how markets and urban spaces were shaped by practices not fully governed by guilds, including informal arrangements, mutual aid societies, and self-regulated communities of labor. By examining these trajectories, the session sheds light on the diversity of strategies through which artisans and merchants navigated shifting economic, social, and institutional landscapes in the early modern and modern periods.

ORGANIZERS

von Briesen, Brendan J.
brendan.vonbriesen@ub.edu
U. Barcelona
Grassi, Mario
mario.grassi@unipd.it
U. Padua
A European Production without Guilds: Papermaking, 1500-1800

Authors:

Rosenband, Leonard
Utah State University (Emeritus)
leonard.rosenband@usu.edu
My presentation considers the nature and experience of skilled hands in the manufacture of paper, an early modern European trade that rarely included guilds. These men were “factory artisans”; who labored in an industry that was both capital- and labor-intensive. Their shared skills were in demand in mills from Maidstone to Fabriano and Ambert to Cracow. Journeymen everywhere were expected to furnish three thousand sheets of paper per day. They did so in closely coordinated production teams and received payment for both their time and output. They banded together to keep their ranks thin, familial, and initiated in the journeymen’s self-styled custom, which varied surprisingly little from place to place. Their skills underpinned their “republics” as French authorities labeled their combinations, and their conventions, which were enforced by work stoppages, sheltered their skills. Entrepreneurs across Europe labored furiously to control papermaking’s skilled hands. But they tried to do so largely without access to formal guilds and their police. In England, they turned to ineffectual cartels to offset the journeymen’s potent national trade union. These producers even secured an Act that outlawed the paperworkers’ combination in 1796. But this statute was not worth the paper it was printed on. Meanwhile, in early modern France and Poland, royal edicts supposedly did the work of guild statutes in governing paperworkers and their ways. Yet, these regulations shared the failure of England’s efforts to control the journeymen. So long as the trade’s skill and custom prevailed, the worker’s “counter-corporations” rendered them, as officials throughout Europe lamented, the “true masters” of the mills. Papermaking’s workshops, without the presence of guilds and dependent on the coordinated labor of factory artisans, remained contested terrain. So did the shops of hatters, joiners, jewelers, wheelwrights, and other trades that featured both guilds and considerable divisions of labor. Accordingly, discussions of labor disputes in early modern European workshops must extend beyond guild-governed production to assess the roles of skill and work itself in the making of resistance and submission.
New horizons: Commerce without guild. The case of Málaga in the first half of the 18th century

Authors:

Robles Aguilar, Álvaro
U. Málaga
alvaroroblesaguilar@gmail.com
Through the 18th century commerce became one of the main economic activities of Malaga’s port. Its function as a passing through port, where ships from other cities and commercial ports take layover, gets more importance at the same time as the city itself increases its own capacity of freight ships with commercial purpose. With this increase in commercial activity the members of the guilds are the ones who take charge of these new movements, side by side with agents from other spaces. Meanwhile in other cities and ports are developed institutions with characteristics from the guilds to take care of these movements, Málaga will take more time to create something similar. This proposal brings up analyzing this time space between the develop of the commerce in Málaga without an entity in charge of managing it and the moment it appears officially. In the same way it is intended observing how these guilds who participate in this high-level business evolve and change as economical groups, considering the intervention of external agents in this whole process as a comparison between both. With this approach it’s intended to observe how the guilds react to a new way of developing their markets. Both objectives are formulated following a line of Social History, through the inspection of original sources related to both the activity of guilds and commerce itself.
Shops Around the Church in Cluj During the Early Modern Period

Authors:

Rüsz-Fogarasi, Enikő
Babes-Bolyai University
enikorf@gmail.com
This presentation explores a captivating topic that sheds light on the economic and social dynamics of early modern Cluj. In this period, numerous shops were built around the central church in the city square, generating income crucial for the church's maintenance. The church's meticulous account records provide valuable insights into these shops, including annual archival records detailing the owner and rent paid. One striking aspect is the significant presence of women among the shop tenants, a finding that merits further investigation. This investigation will focus on this aspect, exploring the location and significance of these marketplaces within the city's economic landscape. Additionally, I will analyse the involvement of various guilds in renting these shops and their impact on local trade. Our study spans the period from after 1586 to the end of the 17th century, with notable periods of continuous data covering two to three decades. We'll also investigate the presence of other shops in the city, comparing their trade dynamics to market sales. Furthermore, I aim to draw comparisons with Central European examples to contextualize the roles of women and guilds in managing stores around main churches, and this will allow us to determine if Cluj was an outlier or followed regional patterns.
Journeymen Associations at the Eve of the Liberal Revolution: Barcelona, 1814-1856

Authors:

Romero Marin, Juanjo
U. Barcelona
juanjo@barcelona.casa.education
After the withdrawal of the Napoleonic troops, Barcelona enjoyed a period of intense economic recovery. That implies not only the retaking of the artisan traditional manufacturing activities but also the emergence of a mighty new industrial sector, cotton textile factories. At the same time, the institutional reforms enhanced by French administration as well as the Spanish liberal resistance, threatened the longstanding guilds institutional influence favouring a period of changing ―even contradictory― legal rules affecting urban artisan organizations. On the other hand, the city growth of the 18th Century, had fostered, particularly in large trades as shoemakers, carpenters, bricklayers, the birth of journeymen guilds, different, and usually opposed to master ones. Originally, these journeymen associations were clearly focused on the preservation of the trade, that means, keeping open the door to mastery access. But progressively, particularly at the beginning of the 19 th Century, they turned to a more workers’ attitude. It is what we call «obrerismo corporativo». This paper proposes to analyse the history and evolution of these associations from the beginning of the century till the time of the first workers general strike in Spain, 1855, when factory workers and traditional artisan journeymen created a common labour agenda and a coordinated associational structure. These years witnessed a wide variety of organizational experiences ―guilds recovery, mutual aid societies, confraternities and even labour cooperatives― where journeymen tried to find a new labour associative pattern in the mist of liberal reforms and in the context of an emerging and powerful factory workers movement.
Building without a guild? Worlds of labour and social organization in Barcelona’s building trades (mid-19th century)

Authors:

Velasco Peraire, Adrià
U. Barcelona
adriavelasco@ub.edu
This communication focuses on the complex period between the legal dissolution of Barcelona’s building guilds(both the Master’s and the Journeymen Guild, which practically worked separated since the 18th century) in the 1830s and the first appearance of bricklayer’s and mason’s mutual aid societies in the 1870s. As a background (and partially a cause) of the guild’s crisis, many changes were taking place in construction techniques, timings and, therefore, its worlds of labour. The main separation between masters and journeymen is a symptom of this long process, and our theory is that these realities shaped the last years of the guild and the immediate post-abolition context. Despite there was no guild anymore, the construction sites remained in some ways the same, with a strict need of a clear hierarchy and some kind of apprenticeship process, but important changes had occurred at the same time which called for new ways of labour organisation, especially in a sector shaped by informal labour and accidentality, for instance, or the not always harmonic coexistence of artisanal and wage labour. By consulting the last years of the guilds’ documentation, mainly focused on the disputes between master masons and journeymen, and new archival evidence on Barcelona’s bricklayer’s societies, the aim is to analyse change and continuity in the city’s construction labour market and social movements during the mid-19th century period.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 208

13. Speak, Look, Listen! The Cultural

(II) Corporeality, emotions, and cultural practices: Interwar avant-garde performance and workers’ movement in central Europe and the Baltic states

Chair: Martin Bernátek

martin.bernatek@upol.cz

Palacký University Olomouc, Czechia

In our panel, we aim to discuss methodological, heuristic, and curatorial aspects of the shift in labour histories—from a focus on working-class politics and, more generally, on labour as a key element of class or group constitution—towards an emphasis on the politics of cultural practices. We understand workers’ culture not as a fixed ideological expression, but as an array of lived and staged practices—such as choirs, sport activities, emotionally charged commemorative events, amateur theatre or political festivals—that shaped class consciousness through the body and the senses. We are particularly interested in histories that connect or highlight the aesthetics of working-class politics, and that explore art as a form of social practice.
Our focus is primarily on Central Europe and the Baltic States during the loosely defined interwar period, while also considering longer processes and key turning points. We are especially interested in corpo-emotional modes of practice involved in building workers’ communities: their self-awareness, collectively created dreams and visions.
In our double panel, we will focus on the following themes:
(1) Body and emotions in workers’ culture: How was the workers’ movement energized by specific emotional dispositifs? How were feelings such as hope or anger manifested, regulated, and interpreted within workers’ cultural practices?
(2) Cultural practices as sites of political struggle: How can workers’ culture be understood as an alternative public sphere beyond Habermas’s model? How did workers’ associations cooperate with other collectives, youth organizations, educational initiatives, co-operatives etc. in producing shared cultural space? How did avant-garde art circles relate to the working class? How did they collaborate in practice, and what aesthetic models emerged from these interactions? How was culture a sphere for building larger anti-fascist alliances? And how was workers’ culture in interwar central Europe and the Baltic states shaped by transnational and global connections?
(3) Visibility of working class histories today: How is historiography of workers’ culture shaped by the geopolitical positioning of research and how does the “canon of Western labour history” operate within it? What methodological challenges, stereotypical frameworks, or biases affect the study of labour in relation to art, emotions, and performance? How can the embodied and emotional dimensions of labour history be made visible today—in archives, exhibitions, performances, and education—and how will such efforts challenge existing curatorial conventions and political imaginaries?

ORGANIZERS

Bernátek Martin
martin.bernatek@upol.cz
Martin Bernátek, Palacký University Olomouc, Czechia
Spitaler Georg
georg.spitaler@vga.at
Verein für Geschichte der ArbeiterInnenbewegung, Austria
Discourses of Power – Hungarian Avant-garde, Workers’ Movement and the Official Ideology of the Horthy Regime in the 1930s

Authors:

Zoltan Imre
Department of Comparative Literature and Culture, Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest
imre.zoltan@btk.elte.hu
As in Western European and Soviet Russian avantgarde, the Hungarian avantgarde experiments fundamentally questioned traditions and continuity, and were interested in examining and reworking traditional principles and methods; they were destined to revise the present (and the future). The Hungarian avantgarde experiments were tied to the aims and institutions of the workers’ movement. The left-wing ideology and its political, cultural and social manifestations were also supposed to revise and reshape the political, economic, social and cultural order and the status quo. As a result, the Hungarian avantgarde experiments and their connections with the workers’ movement could not be positively interpreted by the official cultural politics and its institutions. My presentation investigates how the Hungarian avantgarde (theatrical) experiments, challenging the technological and media conditions, the ideological frames of the nation state and its social, political and cultural order like the workers’ movement with its own means were connected to the workers’ movement.
Bodies in Motion, Politics in Space: The Riga Workers’ Theatre and Sam-Hior’s Corporeal Modernism as Counterpublic Practice

Authors:

Sanita Duka
Art Academy of Latvia
info@duka.it
The paper analyses interwar workers’ cultural sites in Riga and argues that political opinion was not only spoken or printed. The capital of Latvia, Riga, was a multi-ethnic port city and a hub of nationalist, social democratic, socialist, and cooperative movements. Interwar Latvia’s parliamentary democracy (1920–1934), followed by Kārlis Ulmanis’s authoritarian coup in 1934, adds drama to the political ecology. Workers’ cultural sites functioned as opinion generators by coupling leisure and pedagogy, embedding political meanings in routines of affective repertoires (Culture festivals, May Day parades) and corporeal practices (sports, dance-chorus, physical culture). The Riga Workers’ Theatre, founded as part of the workers’ cultural and educational infrastructure as a semi-professional company, offered an affordable and accessible public space distinct from elite theatres. It was settled in the People’s House, which also housed a bookstore and café, functioning as a co-operative hub and meeting point. One of Latvia’s modern dance pioneers, Sam-Hior (Shmuel Wolf Friedlander, 1906–1955), introduced corporeal modern dance into Riga’s workers’ milieu. Workers’ Theatre stagecraft and avant-garde dance converged to form a distinct, alternative version of the public sphere, exemplifying how cultural embodiment generated political subjectivity. These practices challenged agitation or rational-critical debate by mobilising corporeality, affect and aesthetic innovation as opinion-forming infrastructures. Through collective recitation, choral dance, mass improvisation and experimental choreography, workers not only discussed politics; they felt and enacted it, producing solidarity through corporeality. These practices reveal how publics are not just imagined communities of readers but also engaged communalities of dancers, singers, and actors.
Workers’ Culture and the Ambivalences of National Theatre in Interwar Lithuania

Authors:

Asta Petrikienė
Lithuanian Culture Research Institute, Department of Music and Theatre History
asta.petrikiene@lkti.lt
Worker’s culture in interwar Lithuania was marked by a paradox. As a newly independent state after 1918, Lithuania promoted a homogeneous “national culture,” while the working-class movement, shaped by internationalism, positioned itself in an anti-hegemonic stance. This paper examines how these tensions played out in workers’ theatre performances in Kaunas during the 1920s and 1930s. Drawing on Herbert Marcuse’s notion of “affirmative culture” and Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital, the analysis shows how workers’ theatre both affirmed national identity and challenged its exclusions. The lack of an established Lithuanian theatrical tradition meant that avant-garde and conservative groups developed in parallel, each claiming authenticity. Workers’ performances thus negotiated between national affirmation and internationalist resistance, revealing both the limits of Lithuanian modernity and the creative strategies of a politicized

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 205

3. Workplaces: pasts and presents

Book Panel Roundtable: Workers of the Earth: Labour, Ecology and Reproduction in the Age of Climate Change

Chair: Gorkem Akgoz

akgozgorkem@yahoo.com

IISH

Discussants:

Gorkem Akgoz
akgozgorkem@yahoo.com
IISH
Nico Pizzolato
n.pizzolato@mdx.ac.uk
Middlesex University

In this session, in dialogue with the author, Stefania Barca, we will discuss, Workers of the Earth a book that uncovers the environmental history and political ecology of labour to shed new light on the potentiality of workers as ecological subjects. Taking an ecofeminist approach, this ground-breaking book makes a unique contribution to the emerging field of environmental labour studies, expanding the category of labour to include waged and unwaged, industrial and meta-industrial workers.
Going beyond conventional categories of ‘production’ and ‘reproduction’ as separate spheres of human experience, Barca offers a fresh perspective on the place of labour in today’s global climate struggle, reminding us that the fight against climate change is a fight against capitalism.

ORGANIZERS

Gorkem Akgoz
akgozgorkem@yahoo.com
IISH

10:30–12:00

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 203

1. Workers, Labour and Labour History in Modern Central-East Europe

(I) Working-class anthropology in Central and Eastern Europe from the end of the Second World War till today

Chair: Tibor Valuch

valuch63@gmail.com

Eszterházy Károly Catholic University

Discussants:

Sándor Horváth
sandor.horvath@gmil.com
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities, Budapest
Tbor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
Eszterhazy Karoly Catholic University

The idea behind the planned session grew out of a decade-long cooperation between the two organizers and our common interest in re-connecting with both the East-Central European “native” traditions of labour anthropology and the new, global perspectives on labour history.
It is common knowledge today that even though working-class studies enjoyed a privileged status in state socialist Eastern Europe and received distinguished attention and institutional funding from the Communist regimes, the discipline also stood under strict ideological control, which impacted on the actual academic production and the local academic communities. While in the aftermath of “actually existing socialism”, for understandable reasons, the stress has been put on the question of academic control, resistance or collaboration with the Communist regimes, there has also emerged a need to re-read the old ethnographies through a new lens and a new attention to the actual ethnographic work rather than the question of the scale of compliance to the ideological narrative that the “client” state wanted to hear. Labor anthropology had a particularly strong school for instance in Poland, but sociological and ethnographic studies also flourished in countries such as Hungary, where the re-established sociology enjoyed a very high social and academic prestige.
In the 1990s, academic interest in Central and Eastern European labour radically shrank, as the working class was often uncritically associated with the Communist past that both the public and academic communities sought to leave behind. With the transformation of Communist industries, the main losers of the regime changes belonged to the postsocialist working class, who en mass lost their jobs and temporarily or in most cases permanently fell out of the labour market, suffering all the predictable consequences (material and social insecurity, impoverishment, the decline and eventual ghettoization of their living habitats, the disintegration of the old communities and often even the families, the loss of the dignity of work, and the pressing need to redefine their social, gender and personal identities). This nourished a sense of socialist nostalgia, which had an uncanny resonance with the Communist past, rendering labour studies even less attractive for the new, democratically elected governments in East-Central Europe. Unsurprisingly, much of the postsocialist labour anthropology has been written by Western scholars, who brought with themselves not only their academic interest and moral commitment but also novel perspectives and new academic methods.
By now, a new generation of scholars grew up, who were born after the regime changes or only have distant childhood memories of the late socialist period. The old political-ideological fights and Cold War divisions that determined the lives of the older generations are – optimistically – foreby. The kind of global ethnography that Michael Burawoy advocated seems to be a “natural” choice for many researchers, who can cross – or are even pushed to cross – borders.
It is also common knowledge that the globalization of labour has many negative aspects – Western scholars already in the 1990s spoke of the colonization of Eastern European labour. It can be, however, also argued that this colonization has also become global as dire consequences such as the informalization of employment, the weakening of trade unions, gendered poverty, growing material and social insecurity are no longer postsocialist specificities.
Despite all odds, we believe that there is a continuing need to “connect” our ethnographies – both socialist and postsocialist, and the Eastern and Western perspectives. We therefore invite papers which are engaged with working-class ethnographies in Central and Eastern Europe from the end of the Second World War till the present day. We welcome both contemporary case studies or comparative papers and papers, which are engaged with the history of socialist ethnographies. We also welcome studies that examine the everyday life of workers, their life, adaptation, and work strategies, the system of work, workplace and private relationships, and networks from a complex ethnographic, anthropological, and social history perspective.
Studying different regions, scholars from the new generation of global labour historians such as Görkem Akgöz or Leda Papastefanaki proposed to re-focus on the workplace, and they published ground-breaking studies embedded in the factory. A contemporary scholar in East-Central Europe would only see enviously the voluminous literature inside the socialist factory – commissioned by the Communist state. Much has been rightfully said about the Communist misuse of the “working class”. It is, however, also important to re-discover what kind of mirror the contemporary scholars held to the “client” state.

ORGANIZERS

Tibor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
Eszterházy Károly Catholic University
Education of Yugoslav Labor Migrants and Their Families in Western Europe during the 1970s and 1980s: Ethnographic and Historical Perspectives

Authors:

Josip Mihaljević
Croatian Institute of History
mihaljevic.jo@gmail.com
This paper explores the educational experiences of Yugoslav labour migrants and their families in Western European countries during the 1970s and 1980s, framing them within working-class ethnographies and the broader history of socialist and postsocialist labour. Focusing on everyday practices and adaptation strategies, it examines how migrant families navigated host countries’ educational systems and how these processes reshaped intergenerational relations, senses of belonging, and working-class identities. Methodologically, the research combines state and institutional documents from Yugoslavia with archival and educational sources from Western Europe—particularly the Federal Republic of Germany, Austria, and Switzerland—and oral history interviews with migrants and their children. This multi-scalar approach bridges “top-down” policies and “bottom-up” experiences, allowing education to be read as an ethnographic field where structural constraints and everyday agency intersected. The paper contributes to the thematic framework of the conference by examining how the socialist state and Western European institutions shaped the educational trajectories of Yugoslav migrants, while also highlighting the agency of workers and their families in negotiating labour, integration, and cultural reproduction. Education thus emerges not only as a tool of social policy but as a transnational arena where class, gender, and identity were renegotiated in the context of migration. The Yugoslav case demonstrates how connecting ethnographies across socialism, migration, and transnational labour histories enriches our understanding of working-class agency, situating regional experiences within global debates on education, work, and mobility.
Margins of the City, Margins of Work: Female Agency in Socialist Hungary

Authors:

Izabella Grexa
HAS Work Research Group
grexaiza@gmail.com
This paper interprets the life story of Erzsébet Király, a female labourer on the urban periphery of socialist Hungary, as an ethnography of working-class survival. Her ego-documents–diary, correspondence, and notes–provide a bottom-up view of women’s labour and everyday practices from the 1960s to the 1990s. Her narrative shows how precarious jobs, unstable housing, and reliance on informal networks shaped women’s trajectories. Beyond official employment, her life reveals the hidden dimensions of labour: household work, casual earnings, and the gendered burden of care. The story highlights the ambivalent dependence on state institutions, the strategies of endurance, and the search for modest autonomy and recognition. Placing this microhistory in a wider East-Central European frame, the paper demonstrates how such personal accounts can be read as ethnographies of work that reflect both constraint and agency under socialism. They also expose continuities after 1989: insecurity, marginalisation, and the persistent desire for dignity in labour. By connecting biography with the anthropology of work, the paper contributes to global debates on precarisation, gendered labour, and everyday agency, showing how East-Central European experiences enrich comparative perspectives on working-class lives.
Moral Economies of Labour: Ethnographic Perspectives on the 1956 Hungarian Central Workers’ Council

Authors:

Sándor Horváth
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities, Budapest
sandor.horvath34@gmail.com
This paper examines the Hungarian Central Workers’ Council of 1956 as an ethnographic lens into the moral economies of labour in socialist Eastern Europe. Rather than treating the Council only as a political institution or an episode of resistance, the study reconstructs the workplace cultures, life histories, and social ties that enabled “ordinary” workers to act collectively in a moment of crisis. Using court records, police files, factory archives, and oral history interviews, it shows how industrial communities produced moral idioms of duty, fairness, and recognition that shaped political decision-making, including the December 8 call for a nationwide strike. The analysis situates Hungary within a wider regional pattern. Like Polish, Czech, or Yugoslav factory ethnographies, Hungarian sources reveal how shop-floor communities functioned simultaneously as arenas of subordination and as laboratories of agency. Re-reading these materials as ethnographies highlights how workers translated everyday conflicts and solidarities into political participation under authoritarian constraints. The paper also engages with the longue durée of working-class anthropology in East-Central Europe. Once dismissed as ideologically compromised, socialist-period ethnographies can be reinterpreted as mirrors of workers’ experiences and moral worlds. The postsocialist transformation revealed continuities: precarisation, loss of dignity, and the persistent desire for meaningful work remained central to working lives after 1989. By combining social history with ethnographic sensibilities, the paper shows how the Hungarian case contributes to wider debates on labour beyond the region, connecting East-Central European experiences with global discussions of work, justice, and recognition.
Workers, leaders, rebels – the 1956 revolution and war of independence in Ózd

Authors:

Peter Nagy
Hungarian Academy of Sciences
nagypeter.uraj@gmail.com
The workers' council, an organization representing the interests of workers, was established in numerous Hungarian factories during the 1956 revolution and war of independence. It was a self-organized movement of workers who supported the revolution and elected leaders from among themselves, taking over the management of factories and, in many places, local government. This organization was also established in Ózd, a center of the iron industry with a significant large-scale industrial workforce. The workers elected leaders for the workers' council who were popular and who had suffered reprisals during the period of state socialism that had solidified in previous years. In 1956, unfortunate events also took place in Ózd during the revolution: due to a misunderstanding, the agitated crowd hanged three people considered symbols of the state socialist system, members of the machinery that maintained the system (a police investigator, a prosecutor's investigator, and a state security officer) in the city center, next to the workers' council building. Even the workers' council, which considered it important to restore order and maintain calm, was unable to prevent this, and the workers even turned against them. The workers' council continued to function until early 1957, even after the revolution had been crushed: the mood had calmed down in the meantime, and full production had been resumed at the Ózd factory at the beginning of the year, but under the reorganized socialist system, the workers' councils steadily lost their significance. Its leaders were sentenced to prison, with the exception of its president, József Antalköz, a controversial figure with a communist past. In my presentation, I seek answers to why these particular individuals came to lead this organization, what motivated them, and what happened to them before 1945, under the Rákosi regime, and after 1956. How were they influenced by the traditions of workers' rights advocacy before 1945? How were their leaders, who generally had no management experience, able to manage and operate the ironworks and local administration? I am also looking for answers to how this mass psychological situation could have arisen, how individual interests could have coalesced into a mass movement, when the crowd murdered three people during the days of the revolution. Why were the leaders of the workers' council unable to prevent this? How do the political decisions of workers differ in tense situations? I place the functioning of the workers' council and the characteristics of its participants in a domestic and international context, comparing the protection of interests in Ózd with similar organizations.

10:30–12:00

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 204

7. Labour and Family Economy

(I) Families on the move: Labour migration and family economies in Europe (17th to 20th centuries)

Chair: Maria Papathanassiou

mpapath@arch.uoa.gr

National and Kapodistrian University of Athens

Discussants:

Céline Mutos Xicola
cmutos@ub.edu
Universitat de Barcelona
Beatrice Zucca Micheletto
beatricezucca@unito.it
University of Turin

The (double) session aims at bringing forward and discussing the extent and the ways in which labour history / the history of work bridge migration and family history. The papers deal with labour migration and family economy in western, central and southeastern European regions from the 17th to the 20th centuries. They address the ways in which household and kinship structures and dynamics interacted with long-distance as well as short-distance labour migration, they examine migration within rural as well as urban household contexts, address the significance of gender and age, as well as labour migration’s impact on family relations. Topics regard migration from rural to urban spaces, as well as labour mobility within the rural countryside, migration within the European continent, as well as between Europe and other continents, transatlantic migration, women, child, male and female youth migrants, the importance of remittances and epistolary communication for the functioning of coherent family economies over long distances, the value of autobiographical sources for studying labor migration in relation to the family economy. By examining the history of labour migration within the context of the family economy, the connection and interaction between the latter, and relationships between family members, behaviors, and emotions is highlighted.

ORGANIZERS

Maria Papathanassiou
mpapath@arch.uoa.gr
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
Migrant families in the building workers’ letters (Europe, 17th-18th century)

Authors:

Nicoletta Rolla
University of Turin
nicolettarolla@gmail.com
This contribution is part of a research project on professional circulations in building sector between the 17th and 18th century, which had as its epicentre the villages of the Alpine regions, between the Duchy of Milan and the Italian Switzerland. A vast historiography exists on the migratory movements from Alpine villages, which has been interested in the various moments of the process, investigating the mechanisms that governed it, the social and economic contexts of the countries of origin, and the paths of social and professional insertion in the countries of arrival. Among the mechanisms that make mobility possible, the ability of migrants to activate migratory chains and networks of family and community relations has been highlighted; studies on some artists' families have also contributed to amplifying the role of family ties in migrants' itineraries. This contribution intends to investigate these notions through the analysis of an exceptional documentary corpus for the early modern period: the letters that migrant workers – notably plasterer – send from different parts of Europe to their families in their village of origin, Meride in the South of Switzerland, between 17th-18th century. Letters make it possible to reconstruct the dense network of social relations that migrants are able to build and mobilise during their wanderings, as well as providing valuable information on social and professional insertion paths, travel conditions, the credit network supporting their movements, and the extent of a transnational labour market. Letters are not only containers of information, but instruments of social actors' action. Through letters, migrant workers do not only give news of their life abroad but intervene in family and community questions either directly - by communicating their opinions on specific issues - or indirectly - by contributing, for example, to building the reputation of other members of the artistic diaspora. Letters often become the terrain of exchange, conflict or negotiation between different members of a family. My research focused on these aspects: letters proved to be a privileged observatory for investigating the internal dynamics within migrant families, the tensions between individual choices and collective interests, the meaning that can be attributed to a key notion such as family strategy. Like other “egodocuments”, letters do not so much, or not only, show the desires and aspirations of the writer, but are shaped by the expectations of the recipient and more generally by a set of commonly accepted values. In this way, letters make visible, rather than the strategies of the actors, the limits of their field of action and possibilities, defined by the expectations of the writer and by shared - written and unwritten - rules.
Women on the Move: Female Migration and Transformations of the Family Economy between the Alps and European Cities (17th–19th Centuries)

Authors:

Miriam Nicoli
University of Bern
miriamnic@gmail.com
This paper aims to explore the intersection between labour migration and the dynamics of the family economy in Europe, with particular attention to the active role played by women originating from rural and Alpine regions. These women, in order to safeguard the investments made by their fathers or husbands and to protect the future of underage children, took over the management of family enterprises established abroad. Their involvement positions them as key economic agents within transnational family strategies. Special attention is devoted to those who, during the early modern and modern periods, settled in European urban centres, following already established family networks or initiating their own migratory trajectories. The regions comprising the present-day Swiss Confederation—historically defined by patterns of high mobility—offer a valuable entry point for a broader analysis of women's migration and the associated transformations in identity, professional roles, and social positioning. The study focuses particularly on the skills and forms of agency exercised by these women, which often transcended the traditional roles assigned to them within the patriarchal family economy. The paper seeks to highlight the plurality of economic functions assumed especially by widows, but also by married and single women, who succeeded in integrating into the productive and commercial fabric of European cities. Widows merit particular attention, as their legal status sometimes granted them greater managerial and patrimonial autonomy. They not only continued the businesses started by their husbands but were often themselves initiators of independent economic activities, active in sectors such as craftwork, manufacturing, small-scale commerce, and services. However, the analysis is not limited to this group. Single and married women, even when operating within restrictive normative contexts, frequently demonstrated remarkable adaptability and innovation. They were integral to family and kinship strategies that included labour mobility, cross-border relocation, and professional integration into urban environments, thereby contributing to the construction of complex and durable migration networks. Methodologically, the research is grounded in a diverse corpus of primary sources, including notarial acts, family archives, and civil registers. These documents enable the reconstruction of both individual life courses and the broader socio-economic and legal contexts in which these women acted. The migratory destinations considered include urban centres such as Milan, Genoa, Vienna, Regensburg, and Lyon—cities with distinct legal and economic frameworks, but all sharing a documented presence of economically active Alpine or rural women. The objective is to contribute to the historiography of female mobility by deconstructing the static image of Alpine women as tied predominantly to immobility and domestic labour, and by shedding light on their protagonism in the transformations of family and urban economies. This research aims to offer new interpretive tools for understanding the relationship between gender, mobility, and the social and economic construction of European urban spaces between centre and periphery.
Women Migrant Breadwinners between Slovenia and Egypt (1870–1954): Economic Strategies, Social Consequences and a Collective Trauma

Authors:

Mirjam Milharčič Hladnik
University of Nova Gorica
hladnik@zrc-sazu.si
This paper will discuss how the history of work, migration, and family can be examined through the presentation of a specific case of migration known as aleksandrinstvo. The migration of women from the Goriška region in western Slovenia to Egyptian cities between 1870 and 1954 brought dramatic changes to the roles of women and men, the value placed on women's work within the traditional economy, and the internal dynamics of their society of origin, affecting families, kinship and the wider community. As they migrated to the port city of Alexandria, they were referred to as aleksandrinke (Alexandrian women), and under this name, they remain recorded in the contested and traumatic collective memory connected to their role as breadwinners. Women's migration was a vital economic resource for farmers' and workers' households, and its scale gave it systemic significance. Emigration for very well-paid domestic work (nannies, wet-nurses, cooks, governesses, chambermaids) was a social strategy employed by families and communities in this region. It played a crucial role in meeting their socio-economic needs, as well as in planning their individual and collective life paths. The life possibilities and options in the Goriška village cluster, where almost every household had a woman working in Egypt, were shaped by the devastation of the Isonzo Front in World War I and the brutal fascist regime of the Italian state, which annexed the territory after 1918. On the other side of the Mediterranean Sea, the economic opportunities in prosperous Egyptian cities were exceptional, attracting not only women from Goriška but also large numbers of migrants from many European regions and countries. This emigration profoundly impacted women's self-esteem, as well as their public image as unconventional female figures, whose reputation fluctuated between silent, grateful admiration and vocal moral condemnation. This paper will examine the families’ migration decisions, the transformation of traditional gender and family roles, and the social cost of women's migration to communities. By exploring available ego documents, such as family and couples' correspondence, testimonies, and diaries, this study will present the subjective experiences of those who left (many of whom returned or migrated again) and those who stayed behind (men and children). The analysis of love correspondence by Felicita Koglot and Franc Peric will provide a deeper understanding of the connotations of epistolary and other communication between women migrants and the family members left behind. The paper aims to give an insight into the emotional landscape of aleksandrinstvo at the intersection of gender, labour, and migration from a historical perspective.
Family economy and children’s labour migration in modern Europe: observations and thoughts

Authors:

Maria Papathanassiou
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
mpapath@arch.uoa.gr
In my presentation, I share observations and thoughts on the different forms and meanings of labour migration of minors (children) in modern, 18th, 19th and early 20th century Europe, with reference to specific examples. Based on specific research examples, we can distinguish different, overlapping categories of children who migrated to work. Minors migrated a) either alone to an economic unit (usually a household), or b) they migrated accompanied by parents and/or other close relatives, or c) they migrated in groups of peers under the supervision of adults other than parents or close relatives. a)In Central Europe, according to an often short-distance migration pattern children left their family home to work in a peasant's household (and quickly become rural servants), or (in regard to boys) to apprentice with a craftsman, or (in regard to girls) to work as a domestic servant. Although they underwent a process of emancipation and migrated alone, joining another household provided financial relief to the family of origin, while in the early years, parents usually received part of the children's remuneration. b)Again, in Central Europe, children migrated with their families from Moravia and Bohemia or the Italian Peninsula to work seasonally in the brickworks on the outskirts of Vienna and other Austrian cities. Since they belonged to the same work unit with members of their family, their seasonal migration built an integral part of the family economy. c)But there are also very different examples of children who migrated in groups independently of their families: First, the well-researched “Schwabenkinder”, children who migrated from Tyrol, Vorarlberg, Graubünden, to work in the households of wealthy farmers in Upper Swabia, Bavaria, and elsewhere beyond the Austrian or Swiss border, from March to early November. Then, there were boys and girls who under the supervision of a (male) adult left their villages in Italy or Eastern Bohemia to play music on the streets of cities all over Europe and beyond. As a rule, there was a financial agreement between the guardians (usually parents) and the adult accompanying the children beforehand. Unlike other examples where children played a decisive role in the effective functioning of the wider agricultural or industrial economy, even when they worked in household work units, child street musicians worked for a living (as well as for adults’ profits) within the framework of temporary, occasional, informal economies. Another notable example is that of poor children from Britain who, sent by various charitable organizations to territories of the British Empire so that they be saved from poverty (as the philanthropists claimed) and meet the need for labor force. Theirs was a long distance, permanent, forced migration that served almost exclusively the economy of the employers' households—modern research shows that philanthropists often acted without the consent of the parents. These children were claimed (and won) by the imperial economy, not their family’s economy. In all these cases, the role of adults is decisive. Child migration takes place on the initiative, decision, and under the supervision of adults. The role of children in the family economy is strictly defined.

11:00–12:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 222

7. Labour and Family Economy

(II) Workshops, ‘small industries’, women’s work and diversity of industrialization in Mediterranean Europe, 19th -20th centuries

Discussants:

Leda Papastefanaki
lpapast@uoi.gr
University of Ioannina  & IMS/FORTH

.The session “Workshops, ‘small industries’, women’s work and diversity of industrialization in Mediterranean Europe, 19th-20th centuries” intends to further develop the link between the variety of industrialization patterns and their historical dynamics in relation to actors’ experiences. In doing so, it will explore in depth the gendered organization of work and division of labour, in workshops (and workshops at home) and small industries in regions characterized by very different levels of industrial growth in Mediterranean Europe (in Spain, Italy and Greece, with comparisons with other mediterranean and non-mediterranean regions).
Specific questions discussed by the researchers in their papers concern the diversity of women’s working careers in different production contexts, including women’s skilled and supervisory work, women’s role in the transfer and appropriation of technology, women’s work in the context of family economies and family strategies in formal and informal networks, and gender hierarchies in the workplace. The authors will address in their articles (one or more) more general questions related to the transformation of industrialization patterns such as: how was labour production organized in workshops and small industries and what was the gendered division of labour? Did women work in workshops and small industries as part of their family “duties” and “obligations” or as independent workers? Did the whole family work as a production unit or not? How was the work of family members organized in workshops and small industries? Did they work as subcontractors of larger firms? What were the main features of workers’ participation in production according to their age? At what age did women enter the workforce and when or why did they leave it? Was women’s work permanent or casual and seasonal and why? How did they reconcile care work and market work? How was work managed by the managers, team supervisors, and employers? Did the work management have specific gender characteristics?
Adopting the new perspectives made possible by global labour history to compare a wide set of Mediterranean regions will allow us to escape the “anxiety” of divergent analysis from the Northern Euro-centric comparative perspective, as found in older studies (PAPASTEFANAKI & POTAMIANOS, 2022). Following recent trends in historical research, in order to highlight the specific features of Southern European and European Mediterranean case studies the special theme will cover both South-Western and South-Eastern European Mediterranean cases (Spain, Italy, France, Greece, Ottoman Empire/Turkey,) with a comparative and transnational approach. As such, the contributors should consider and discuss the related bibliography for other Mediterranean regions and try to find connections (of any kind) between their case studies and other productive contexts around the Mediterranean in order to highlight new analytical frames and avoid focusing only on comparisons with developing patterns in Northern Europe.

ORGANIZERS

Cristina Borderias
cborderiasm@ub.edu
University of Barcelona
Manuela Martini
Manuela.Martini@univ-lyon2.fr
Université Lyon 2
Leda Papastefanaki
lpapast@uoi.gr
University of Ioannina & IMS/FORTH
“Productive Flexibility, Female Labour and occupational Multiactivity: The Footwear Sector in the Balearic Islands (c. 1870-1973)”.

Authors:

Antònia Morey
University of the Balearic Islands
antonia.morey@uib.es

Authors:

Carles Manera
University of the Balearic Islands

Authors:

Andreu Seguí
University of the Balearic Islands
The Balearic Islands, along with other Mediterranean regions, have traditionally been characterised not as an industrial area per se but rather as industrious islands. Nevertheless, from the final quarter of the 19th century onwards, the archipelago distinguished itself through the development of certain specific subsectors, notably the leather and footwear industry. This sector assumed particular prominence in Mallorca and Menorca, flourishing in specific urban centres such as Palma, Maó, and Ciutadella, as well as in rural areas. In certain districts, the small and medium-sized enterprises operating within the sector were organised into industrial districts closely resembling those found in Italy. Generally speaking, until well into the 20th century, the production units in this sector could not be classified as factories in the strict sense, whether due to their limited size, their low degree of mechanisation, or the small number of permanent workers on their payrolls. The majority were small, family-run enterprises, often workshops, whose proprietors displayed notable caution in expanding their facilities or investing in fixed capital. This caution was largely informed by the polarised agrarian structure of the islands, characterised by the coexistence of a limited number of large landowners alongside a high proportion of small-scale tenant farmers and day labourers. This structural context provided an abundant and inexpensive labour force. Farmers, in their pursuit of household subsistence, frequently supplemented their agricultural work with manufacturing. The study presents very specific comparisons with other cases from southern Europe. In particular, with the footwear industry of Alicante, on the Spanish peninsular coast, where the production of footwear of lower quality than that produced in the Balearic Islands had, however, very similar labor and underground economy characteristics. Something similar happens with Italian regions in which footwear production is relevant, such as Tuscany, Campania, Veneto, Marche and the south of the country. Also here we find mechanization processes and, at the same time, manual activity with feminine intensity in the production processes. We can affirm that there is a Mediterranean production model for consumer goods industries, with footwear as an exponent, and with an essential integration of female wor
“Women’s Work in the Pumice Industry (Lipari, Aeolian Islands, 19th - early 20th century)”.

Authors:

Ida Fazio
University of Palermo
ida.fazio@unipa.it

Authors:

Authors:

The aim of the paper is to detect, describe and analyze women’s work in the pumice industry in 19th - early 20th century in an archipelago of southern Italy. It takes a comparative approach with other Mediterranean cases of small mining industries like the Sardinian, Tuscan, Spanish, Greek ones (Sanna, Marcon, Papastefanaki, Pérez-Martínez-García). There is scant data in Italian statistical sources regarding this type of work. Indeed, surveys, local descriptions, traveler’s reports, oral history accounts and images, rather than national economic statistics, appear to be useful sources for analyzing the economic role of women in contexts where the process of industrialization was in initial stages or not sufficiently developed, as well as in pre-industrial economies. Moreover, in the first stages of statistics after the unification of Italy, representing women’s work was problematic in many ways, starting with the categories of the active population (Patriarca, Sarti, Fazio, Alberti). In Lipari also, women’s work in the pumice industry lacked statistical sources and research must rely on governmental and local inquiries, on reports of travelers, naturalists and journalists and on visual representations such as drawings and photos, in order to “elevate them from obscurity and give them their rightful place as actors in History.” (Moring) Questions will be addressed in comparisons with other economic activities carried out by Sicilian women, such as the entwinements between work and family (as happened in Eolian fishing activities), or the familiar dimension of extra-domestic work: were women hired as help for their husbands (like children in the sulphur mining)? On the other hand, specific questions will be addressed about the female-only working places (workshops where pumice stones were selected and polished) as happened in the Sicilian citrus industry. The research will explore and discuss the hybrid nature of women’s work in the pumice mining industry (and in the related sectors of transporting and processing the material), and its gendered characteristics, comparing this activity with those of other Mediterranean areas.
"Gender Hierarchies in the Catalan Cork industrial District (1860-1920)"

Authors:

Rosa Ros
Universitat de Girona
rosa.ros@udg.edu

Authors:

Authors:

The Spanish cork industry, concentrated mainly in Catalonia, was the world leader in this sector during the 19th century, although, in its second half, this activity grew strongly in both the cork-consuming and the raw material-producing countries. Among the latter, Portugal, which overtook Spain as the main producer in the 20th century, specialised mainly in the ‘preparatory’ phases of the production process (the manufacture of cork boards), with a low-value output. Proof of its smaller size is that its cork workers were approximately 15% of those in Spain in 1900. The article will study the organization of work in this district, focusing on labour and gender hierarchies in the traditional cork industry and their changes during the first stage of mechanization. To this end, it will analyse: a) the division of labour by gender; b) the importance of irregular or occasional work in small and medium-sized firms, comparing men and women; c) gender differences in wage levels; and d) the characteristics of women's working careers (age of entry and exit from work, evolution of wages with age) in comparison with men. The sources to be used for this work are diverse, but the main ones are the payroll books of different small and medium-sized firms (the smallest with less than 10 workers, the largest up to a maximum of 75), which allow to study labour segmentation, the turnover and irregularity of work according to gender, and the differences in wages. Moreover, the enumerator books of cork-producing towns, which can sometimes be linked with payroll books, will provide information on the age, marital status and family structure of female workers. The questions to be addressed by the article are clearly connected with the overall objectives of the special theme “Workshops, ‘small industries', women's work and diversity of the industrialization in Mediterranean Europe, 19th-20th”, since the article will analyse the gendered organization of labour in an industry characterised by the importance of small and medium-sized firms and by the complementarities between them, home-based production and, from the end of the 19th century, large companies.The more specific questions to be asked are also included in the proposal for the special theme. Thus, the article will examine the division of labour according to gender, the permanent or casual nature of women's work, the va

11:00–12:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 219

17. Labour Migration History

Linking the international and the domestic division of labour in the 20th century in Western Europe and North America: A gender perspective

The working group aims to build an interdisciplinary network of scholars studying labour migration from a historical perspective. Although migration currently receives great attention in political and academic debates, it is often discussed as a humanitarian emergency, a social and a security problem, but very rarely as a labour (history) issue. Similarly, research sympathetic to the struggles of migrants tends to denounce the violation of human and civil rights experienced by migrants but very rarely refers to the ways in which migration management policies have historically contributed to the creation of unfree and precarious working conditions. Our network seeks to generate scholarly debate about the interconnectedness of labour and migration history and stresses the importance of labour to analyse change in migration patterns and policies across time and space. We are interested in both empirical and theoretical analysis, and in various types of labour migration, perspectives, chronological and regional foci.

We invite papers addressing labour migration history including (but not limited to) the following topics of interest:

Labour mobility in domestic, regional and transnational policies and patterns
Intra-bloc and East-South labour migration in the Cold War context
Labour migration beyond normative and methodological nationalism
Organised migration schemes (e.g. “Guestworkers”) in a comparative perspective
Labour precarity and coercion in historical perspective
Entanglements between forced and voluntary migration
Methodological considerations and innovations in labour migration history
Historical shifts in intersections of gender, race, and class in migrant labour flows
The impact of migration in sending societies: Remittances and the financialization of migrants

ORGANIZERS

Sara Bernard
sara.bernard@glasgow.ac.uk
University of Glasgow
From international heroines to invisible workers: a gender perspective on healthcare mobilities between Yugoslavia and Great Britain, from the 1910s to 1960s

Authors:

Bernard, Sara
University of Glasgow
Sara.Bernard@glasgow.ac.uk
This paper discusses several cases of training and employment of Yugoslav nurses in hospitals in the United Kingdom (UK) in the late 1950s and 1960s. Albeit already trained in Yugoslavia, these nurses were employed as unskilled workers; moreover, Yugoslav nurses could work for a maximus of 18 months which prevented them from completing the tree year duration of the further qualification programme on which they were employed. These cases are of interest because they developed outside of the most known Yugoslav labour migration through bilateral agreement for the employment of Yugoslav workforce, that the Yugoslav federation signed with core capitalist economies but not with the UK. Rather, the professional trajectories of Yugoslav nurses in the United Kingdom belonged to a longer history of mobilities between the UK and Yugoslavia of healthcare professionals, that had consolidated already during World War One. British female healthcare workers are regarded as international heroines in Yugoslavia and granted public honours. Not only did they provide essential humanitarian aid in Serbia during the Balkan wars and World War One. Once back to the UK, British nurses and doctors played a key role in fostering positive views on Yugoslavia and promoting international exchanges and collaboration in the healthcare sector. However, there is no evidence suggesting that these mobilities generated any form of female solidarity or activism in the British healthcare sector towards Yugoslav nurses and in support to the recognition of their rights as workers. This absence is surprising also considering that women emancipation was a priority of Yugoslav socialism and a key theme in the international activism of Yugoslav feminists and women organisations more broadly. This paper wants to interrogate these unequal relations relying on the core-periphery framework and adopting a gender perspective. It will look at continuities and changes in the healthcare mobilities between Yugoslavia and the United Kingdom before and after the advent of socialism to explore what we can learn about multi-directional knowledge transfer and power relations between the core and the periphery and within their respective societies. Another related aspect that this paper will discuss is how these mobilities can account for the regime shift in Yugoslavia and its impact on gender emancipation in the country, and on Yugoslav access to specific sectors of education and employment abroad.
Between Unemployment and Migration: Institutionalised female labour migration from socialist Yugoslavia, 1963–1973

Authors:

Bošnjak, Mato
Malmö University
mato.bosnjak@mau.se
This paper explores Yugoslavia’s efforts to control and shape outward labour migration during the 1960s and 1970s by examining the recruitment processes and practices of Yugoslav governmental and employment authorities. In particular, it focuses on the institutionalised recruitment of female labour migrants—a category rarely associated with Yugoslav labour migration or the typical image of the Yugoslav labour migrant. While most Yugoslav female migrants migrated to reunite with their husbands, a significant number of Yugoslav women entered Western labour markets through formal recruitment channels and institutionalised migration pathways. However, both female migrants’ engagement with these institutional pathways and the specific recruitment strategies and practices governing them have remained insufficiently examined within the existing scholarship. Drawing on an extensive analysis of archival sources produced by Yugoslav municipal, republican, and federal authorities, this paper elucidates women’s inclusion in Yugoslavia’s labour migration governance. Supporting the analysis with Yugoslavia’s official statistical records and statistical records from Yugoslav employment authorities, the paper highlights how women’s growing unemployment and increased social mobility aligned and coincided with the Yugoslav government’s efforts to discharge labour surplus to the West in line with state interests. These intersecting socio-economic dynamics and state-driven policy objectives ultimately led to women’s inevitable inclusion in Yugoslavia’s labour migration governance. Furthermore, the paper demonstrates Yugoslav governmental and employment authorities direct involvement in recruiting female labour migrants and their efforts to strategically respond to Western employers’ growing demands for Yugoslav workers. Its shows that, as early as February 1964, women became integral part of Yugoslavia’s liberalised labour migration policy, forming a key component of the state’s efforts to employ surplus labour in the West and shape the demographic and socio-economic profile of its migrant workforce. In doing so, the paper sheds new light on the gendered dimensions of Yugoslav labour migration and the Yugoslav state’s role in shaping it. It also underscores the value of primary archival sources in providing a nuanced understanding of the state’s role in post-Second World War labour migrations.
Invisible Front-Runners: Asserting Agency among Greek Women Workers in West Germany

Authors:

Papadopoulous, Yannis
Institute for Mediterranean Studies
ypameri@gmail.com
The Gastarbeiter (guest worker) agreement between Greece and Germany in March 1960 triggered the largest wave of emigration to Central Europe in the history of the modern Greek state, with an estimated 650,000 to 750,000 Greeks migrating during the 1960s and 1970s. While the majority of early migrants were men, a significant number of women joined the immigrant workforce. By the late 1960s and early 1970s, Greek women accounted for 42.4% of Greek migrant workers, a proportion notably higher than that of women from other migrant nationalities. Many of these women followed their husbands, while others migrated first, as their spouses had failed to pass the German Committee's health examinations. There were also numerous cases of women who migrated independently as labor migrants. In all instances, their mobility and stay abroad was facilitated by formal migration procedures and family- and village-based networks. Motivated by poverty, dissatisfaction with the harsh living conditions in rural Greece, and the diffusion of new consumerist values in the post-civil war period, many women asserted their agency by challenging family constraints, traditional village norms, and the strict entry requirements of the German authorities. Those who had already experienced life in urban areas were particularly attracted by the prospect of higher wages and a different lifestyle abroad. While in Germany, these women seized opportunities not only to contribute to their families’ budget ₋often by working even double shifts₋ but also to pursue personal development, for example, by attending technical and vocational schools. This paper foregrounds the gendered and agentive dimensions of Greek women’s migration to the Federal Republic of Germany, with a particular focus on those who migrated before or apart from their families. Despite being largely invisible in contemporary media and cultural productions, such as popular songs, and often portrayed as secondary figures in dominant migration narratives, these women emerged as economic pioneers, caregivers and cultural intermediaries. They contributed significantly to the household economy, while also acting as agents of modernization, transmitting new ideas about prosperity, modernity, and personal autonomy to their families and home communities. Despite the challenges posed by difficult working conditions, cultural dislocation, and the burden of balancing industrial labor, domestic responsibilities, and family obligations ₋ especially when separated from their children who remained in Greek villages ₋ these women strove to maintain familial bonds and assert their agency in both the private and public spheres. Through archival research, oral histories, and sociological analysis, the paper examines how these women negotiated labor, identity, and familial responsibilities under challenging conditions. In doing so, it repositions Greek migrant women not as passive participants but as key actors who reshaped migration pathways, reconfigured family dynamics, and left a lasting imprint on postwar European labor and gender relations.
Independence Made in America: Immigrant Women Workers in the Early Twentieth Century and the Shaping of Ethnic Nationalisms

Authors:

Uchikawa, Sota
Hitotsubashi University
uchikawa.sota@gmail.com
This paper explores how the European immigrant women workers contributed to the shaping of ethnic nationalisms and the independence of their homelands, from the local context in Lawrence, Massachusetts. In the first decade of the twentieth century, around eight million European immigrants arrived at the Atlantic Coast cities in North America, such as Lawrence, a major center of the textile industry. Classified as “unskilled,” they worked for long hours for low wages while being excluded from the mainstream labor movement in the United States. When their dissatisfaction culminated in the 1912 Lawrence Textile Strike, immigrant women were, unlike men, organized under the dual movements: the radical Industrial Workers of the World and the Women’s Trade Union League, the largest labor organization of women in the United States. This paper argues that immigrant women workers shaped their ethnic nationalisms within these dual labor movements, and flowed them back into their homelands through participation in struggles for ethnic independence. By focusing on three groups of immigrant women workers, Irish, Eastern European Jewish, and Polish, this study explores how experiences of migration, labor, and activism in Lawrence contributed to their ethnic nationalism. Existing labor histories have often portrayed immigrant women workers as passive figures mobilized by the radical IWW in its struggle against capitalism, and as gradually withdrawing from labor activism in tandem with their assimilation into American society. Meanwhile, immigration historians have emphasized two approaches for analyzing the Americanization of immigrant women workers. The first is the top-down approach, which highlights the efforts by social workers, corporate managers, and the state. The second is the bottom-up approach, which emphasizes ethnic communities as spaces for preserving immigrants’ cultural traditions, while forming their own views of “America” and class identity. In both frameworks, immigrant women were cast as subjects of assimilation rather than as active agents. However, this study contends that immigrant women not only preserved but also developed their ethnic nationalisms through participation in labor activism. Under the guidance of the IWW, immigrant groups came into close contact with each other during the Lawrence Strike, which strengthened their ethnic identities. On the other hand, under the influence of the WTUL, they learned the American values of independence and democracy. As James Barrett has theorized “working-class cosmopolitanism,” this paper shows how women workers forged their ethnic nationalisms through local struggles in Lawrence, by the comparative analysis of women in three ethnic groups: the Irish women who supported the Irish Revolution in 1913, the Eastern European Jewish women who protested the Russian Pogrom and ultimately advocated Zionism, and the Polish women who embraced the Wilson’s Fourteen Points and supported the war effort of the United States. Although these expressions of ethnic nationalism have often been studied separately, this paper argues that all of them were shaped and stimulated within the dual movements of the IWW and WTUL, especially in the local context of Lawrence. In doing so, this study offers new insight into how ethnic nationalisms of immigrants were forged within the American labor movement.

11:00–12:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 209

12. Workers' Education

Transnational workers’ education

Chair: Hakoniemi, Elina

elina.hakoniemi@helsinki.fi

Demos Heslinki/University of Helsinki

Workers’ education was never confined to national borders. While it compensated for limited access to formal schooling and offered cultural and political empowerment, its significance extended beyond local contexts. Educational models, such as labour colleges, folk high schools, and study circles, circulated internationally, adapting to diverse settings yet linked by shared ideals of solidarity, participation, and democratic learning.
Transnational exchanges of pedagogies, cultural practices, and organisational strategies created a common framework for workers’ education while also reflecting national variations. Activists travelled, studied abroad, and engaged in international networks, fostering mutual learning and debate across the labour movement. These cross-border connections reveal workers’ education as both a tool of class formation within nation-states and part of a wider global struggle for emancipation.
The papers in this session highlight workers’ education as a transnational phenomenon, examining how ideas, practices, and institutions travelled across borders and how global solidarities and tensions shaped the educational agendas of the labour movement.

ORGANIZERS

Hakoniemi, Elina
elina.hakoniemi@helsinki.fi
Demos Helsinki/University of Helsinki
Jansson, Jenny
jenny.jansson@statsvet.uu.se
Uppsala University
Söderqvist, Jonas
jonas.soderqvist@arbark.se
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library
Building the migration industry: socialist Yugoslavia’s agenda for labour migrants’ pre-departure training

Authors:

Bošnjak, Mato
Malmö University
mato.bosnjak@mau.se
This paper explores Yugoslavia’s approach to labour migrants’ pre-departure training, one of the mechanisms advanced by the Yugoslav establishment to control and shape labour migration to Western countries. Pre-departure training’s were implemented between 1966 and 1973 with financial contributions from Western employers and employment authorities, under institutional frameworks established through bilateral labour recruitment agreements. The initiative was driven by the Yugoslav government, the Federal Employment Bureau, and the Central Alliance of Workers’ Unions, with the endorsement of the president’s office. Its practical organisation was managed by the Federal Employment Bureau in collaboration with municipal employment offices. Drawing on archived sources produced by these stakeholders, the paper elucidates their visions, ambitions, and objectives for pre-departure training and situates them within the broader context of Yugoslavia’s labour migration policy. It shows how training was embedded in the Yugoslav state’s overarching aim of sending abroad unemployed and unqualified workers from less developed regions, where domestic employment prospects were limited. Furthermore, it demonstrates that the Yugoslav government and affiliated organisations envisioned pre-departure training as a regulatory tool to further structure labour emigration and align it with the country’s socioeconomic conditions. They also perceived it as beneficial to Yugoslavia’s economy, labour market, and welfare system. Unlike existing research that shows states’ reliance on private and non-state actors in the governance of pre-departure training, this paper demonstrates a labour-sending state’s attempt to solely implement pre-departure training, albeit with foreign financial support. Furthermore, the paper indicates the gendered nature of pre-departure training and the jobs for which they prepared migrant workers. However, in contrast to most studies, the sources analysed for this article suggest that, in the case of Yugoslavia, it was predominantly men who underwent pre-departure training for male-typical jobs.
Thinking Workers’ and Popular Education as Part of Development History: Examples from Sweden and Turkey in the 1960s-1970s

Authors:

Çağatay, Selin
Central European University
CagatayS@ceu.edu
In the emergence of development as a globalizing paradigm in the post-World War II era, the notion of “education” became pivotal as a promise of progress and modernization. While there is an abundant literature on development history, how the proponents of development gained the consent and support of popular classes have so far received little attention. Addressing this gap, this paper discusses the policies and practices of workers’ and popular education as part of development history. The paper draws on case studies from Sweden and Turkey, as two national contexts situated in Europe and its periphery. Building on archival material from our respective ongoing research, we examine the role that trade unions and workers’ study associations took in mediating development endeavors to their members during the 1960s and 1970s – the two development decades as pioneered by the United Nations. The aim is to generate knowledge about 1.) how workers were perceived and addressed by those who promoted the development paradigm in the labour movement (e.g. trade unionists, labour educators), and 2.) what their approach tells us about the imaginaries of national identity and countries’ positioning in the post-World War II global order. The cases of Sweden and Turkey complement each other in that they offer insight into how labour movement leaders in “developed” and “developing” countries engaged with the idea of development as “providers” and “recipients,” respectively. An examination of our research material shows that in the 1960s and the 1970s, workers’ and popular education in both contexts served as mechanisms to gain the consent of the working classes for participation in the development effort and support for development aid. In the 1960s, the main trade union confederation Türk-İş’s educational material targeting trade unionists and workplace representatives aimed to empower workers by designating them as legitimate participants of development while raising awareness about Turkey’s position in the world as a developing country that will soon catch up with the western world in terms of social rights and living standards by adopting their models. In Sweden, the main workers’ union confederation LO campaigned for international solidarity between the working classes of developed and developing countries, arguing that the elimination of poverty in the developing world through industrialization would avoid the exploitation of an emerging global underclass and, in the long run, prevent the cheap labour from the Global South from outcompeting the more expensive western workers’ labour. However, anxieties around development surfaced in both contexts in the 1970s. In Turkey, an interest at Türk-Iş emerged in educating trade unionists in topics like the capitalist economy, labour exploitation, unequal income distribution and dependency, replacing the earlier celebration of productivity and western-oriented development. Critical and less modernization-optimist strains were also present in Sweden, where the largest study association ABF criticized global capitalism and labour exploitation drawing on postcolonial and dependency theories and the progressive discourses of the 1968 movement.
Founding a Workers’ Education International

Authors:

Jansson, Jenny
Uppsala University
jenny.jansson@statsvet.uu.se
In the aftermath of the Great War, national workers’ education institutions expanded rapidly, and this expansion led activists and educators to increasingly recognize the value of exchanging knowledge about pedagogical methods, organizational strategies, and ideological perspectives. Therefore, during the 1920s, several initiatives were launched to establish an international organization for workers’ education — a Workers’ Education International. The labor movement’s extensive international collaborations — involving political parties, trade unions, youth organizations, and women’s associations — seem to have served as an important role model for the educational sphere. Two conferences where the issue was thoroughly discussed were organized: in Brussels in 1922 and Oxford in 1924. Yet despite serious efforts, the vision of a workers’ education international never materialized. The initial seeds of cooperation failed to develop into a formal organization. Two main obstacles stood in the way: the relatively weak position of workers’ education institutions vis-à-vis political parties and especially trade unions, and the existence of competing definitions and ideological interpretations of workers’ education’s aims among these diverse set of actors. Drawing on multiple archival sources and contemporary newspaper reports, I examine the efforts made to establish a workers’ education international and analyze why these initiatives ultimately failed.
Financing Transnational Workers’ Education: Swedish Trade Union Strategies, 1900–1950

Authors:

Söderqvist, Jonas
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library
jonas.soderqvist@arbark.se
This study explores the financing strategies behind transnational workers’ education initiatives and how Swedish trade unions facilitated their members’ participation during the first half of the twentieth century. How were cross-border workers’ education projects funded and sustained into the broader labour movement? What specific strategies did Swedish unions and their allied organisations deploy for members attending these programs abroad? Drawing on archival records and comparative examples from Scandinavian and European labour institutions, the paper explores various interconnected modes of financing, like union-based levies and earmarked dues or state-derived grants that supported cross-border educational mobility. It shows how Swedish trade unions, often in partnership with the Workers’ Educational Association (ABF) and Nordic federations, made international training accessible to rank-and-file activists. By analysing these strategies, this paper argues that the financial underpinnings of transnational workers’ education were decisive in shaping both its reach and its political meaning within the Swedish labour movement.

11:00–12:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 207

9. Maritime Labour History

(II) Free/Unfree and Coerced Maritime Labour in a Global Perspective (1500-1900)

Chair: Colin J. David

cjdavis@uab.edu

University of Alabama at Birmingham

This double session examines the multiple forms of free, unfree, and coerced maritime labour that sustained European empires across the Atlantic, Indian, and Pacific worlds between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries. It brings together case studies that trace how slavery and penal labour operated in maritime settings—aboard ships, in ports, and across colonial outposts. The first set of papers focuses on global slave trades and coercive labour systems. They analyse the role of African sailors in the nineteenth-century Spanish–Cuban slave trade, present the first results of the Exploring Slave Trade in Asia (ESTA) project, examine the prominence of maritime workers within systems of penal labour and resistance in Van Diemen’s Land, review changing slavery regimes in the Dutch Indian Ocean, and assess German participation in Atlantic slavery and its ties to capitalism.

The second set of papers turns to the Portuguese empire in Asia, c.1500–1750. Historiography on maritime labour in the context of the European Empires in Asia is not extremely vast, but there is a clear body of publications for the English and Dutch empires, while other European empires powers remain understudied. These papers aim to contribute to partially fill this gap in the existing scholarship by paying attention to maritime labour in the context of the Portuguese empire in Asia, circa 1500-1750. The three case studies examine in detail various forms of free and coerced labour, types of activities and working conditions in coastal outposts in various locations of the Portuguese Estado da India as well as on board vessels. By using an extensive body of source materials from Portuguese and Dutch archives, these studies aim not only to unveil the realities of maritime labour in Portuguese Asia, but also establish comparisons with the Dutch, the English, the French and the Spanish Empires in the region, whenever possible.

The session underscores that maritime labour was fundamental to the functioning of global empires and highlights the instability of the boundary between freedom and coercion, the importance of maritime workers to imperial economies, and the need to study these dynamics in both comparative and interconnected global perspective.

ORGANIZERS

Helder Carvalhal
helder.carvalhal@iisg.nl
International Institute of Social History, KNAW Humanities Cluster
Kalliopi Vasilaki
kk.vasilaki@gmail.com
Università degli studi di Genova
Kristog Loockx
kristof.loockx@uantwerpen.be
Centre for Urban History, University of Antwerp
German Slavery and the Rise of (Financial) Capitalism in the Atlantic World

Authors:

Weizke, Constanze
Global and European Studies Institute
constanze.weiske.2@uni-leipzig.de
Despite increasing research in slavery studies in Germany since the 'global turn' in the 1990s, surprisingly little is known about the extent of the German participation in the transatlantic slave and slaveries in the Atlantic world. This project aims to close this research gap by introducing the innovative Global History category of 'spatial formats' into the field of global slavery studies and systematically investigating the German slave trade and slaveries in the Dutch and adjoining English and Danish Atlantic, that is the booming economic port city of Amsterdam until it was replaced by London as financial capital, the main Dutch fort on the African coast in Elmina, the Caribbean slave market island Curacao, and the Dutch-English sugar, coffee and cotton slave plantation hubs of Suriname, Berbice and Essequibo from 1598 until 1863. The project profoundly challenges both the often-cited German exceptionalism claim of 2009 by Jurgen Osterhammel that “(s)lavery existed elsewhere” (Osterhammel 2009, 10), the related collective memory assumption that the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation had nothing or just little to do with the transatlantic slave trade and Atlantic slaveries and seeks to overcome the related German 'amnesia' (RaphaelHernandez and Wiegmink 2020, Idem 2017). In particular, this paper aims to present results on the migration of Germans participating in the transatlantic slave trade and Atlantic slaveries. Furthermore, it investigates various (asymmetrical) relations between various actors in connection with a social-economical history perspective and a particular focus on Dutch Suriname and Danish St. Croix, such as slaves and slave owners and their relevance for the rise of (financial) capitalism in the Atlantic world.
Work and Labour Relations in an Indian late 16th-century port: the case of Portuguese Kochi

Authors:

Carvalhal, Helder
International Institute of Social History, KNAW
helderfmcarvalhal@gmail.com
The paper examines work and labour relations in late-16th century Kochi, a Western Indian coastal town at that time under Portuguese occupation. Over the last decades, the literature concerning maritime and imperial history stressed the importance of populations under European dominion for empire building, especially in what concerned the extraction and uses of nonEuropean capital, natural resources, and labour. The increasing commodification of these colonial settings provoked the development of distinct labour relations in several stages of the production and transport of goods. This paper will contribute to these ongoing debates by exploring the obscure episode of an early construction of a Portuguese port in Kochi during the late 1580s and early 1590s. The latter operation spread throughout five years, and was developed by a plethora of African, Asian and (a few) European workers, engaged in multiple capacities and degrees of specialisation. The examination of how the labour market operated, the extent of the labour force involved, and how the myriads of different labour relations interacted will contribute to integrate the case of the Portuguese empire into larger discussions, as well as to assess whether labour management in colonial settings differed from the practices of other Eurasian polities.
Non-European maritime personnel in Portuguese shipping in Asia (seventeenth century)

Authors:

Murteira, André
Centre for the Humanities, NOVA
andremurteira@gmail.com
It is well known that the predominantly maritime Portuguese empire in Asia in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was very much dependent on both naval and merchant shipping. Nevertheless, there is little historiographical work on the maritime personnel of both the warships of the Portuguese crown and the merchant ships of the many Portuguese traders that sustained intra-Asiatic Portuguese trade in the period. There is a generalized consensus that, by the seventeenth century, non-European personnel, both Asian and African, were in most cases the majority in the crews of Portuguese ships, including warships. However, details regarding the precise ethnic composition of these non-European crews are scarce. The same can be said about their labour regime (free or forced labour) and wage regime (when it was free labour). The limitations of existing Portuguese sources have contributed to this historiographical deficit. This paper attempts to circumvent this difficulty by exploring little-used Dutch sources on the matter, in the form of Dutch accounts of the many Portuguese ships taken by the Dutch East India Company, which sometimes supplied important information on their crews
Enslaved workers in the Portuguese maritime Asia, c. 1500: numbers, occupations and working conditions

Authors:

Ribeiro da Silva, Filipa
International Institute of Social History, KNAW
rogerlee.pj@gmail.com
Recent historiography has made known that like in the Atlantic World the subjects of the Portuguese Crown were active in the commerce of enslaved peoples of various origins throughout Asia. And also as in the Atlantic World, they did so not only to cater to the needs of other polities, but also the attend to the labour demands of the Portuguese empire in Asia – the socalled Estado da India. The use of enslaved labour was therefore a common and recurrent practice throughout the various coastal outposts of the empire, from the island of Mozambique to Goa, from Melaka to Macau, has it has been suggested by the scholarship on the Portuguese Estado da India for quite some time. However, a comprehensive overview of the size, type of activities and working conditions of the enslaved people employed the Portuguese Crown remains wanting. Based on administrative and financial Portuguese source materials, so far grossly overlooked by scholars of slave trade and slavery in Maritime Asia, this paper aims to reconstruct the enslaved working population working for the Portuguese Crown in the different coastal outposts of the Estado da India, identify their main occupations, and assess the type of treatment they got from their employer – in this case the royal officials in charge of government of the Estado.

11:00–12:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 205

6. Memory and Deindustrialization

(II) DEINDUSTRIALISATION CHANGE LOCAL COMMUNITIES AT THE END OF THE 20TH CENTURY AND THE FIRST DECADES OF THE 21TH CENTURY

Chair: Irene Diaz

irenedzmz@gmail.com

University of Oviedo

Discussants:

Rubén Vega
rvega@uniovi.es
University of Oviedo
Tibor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
Eszterházy Károly Catholic University

As a global process, deindustrialisation has profoundly transformed the social, cultural and economic frame of countless countries and regions around the world. There is abundant literature and solid research on this subject, offering a general framework of the deindustrialisation process, its causes, consequences and economic, social and cultural impact. The closure of industries and factories, once pillars of the economy, generators of strong work cultures and sources of identity, has left behind complex legacies, whose traces are particularly visible when we focus on local communities.
It is precisely with an interest in the local scale that we ask ourselves how communities have dealt with those processes of deindustrialisation. What have been the main changes experienced, and in this sense, what continuities and ruptures people perceive as meaningful? What responses have been articulated, what strategies for productive transformation have been implemented (or not), all from approaches that address both institutional responses and those that could be carried out ‘from below’ in terms of both reflection and action. All of this, ultimately, with the aim of going beyond a mere analysis of the deindustrialisation process to ask ourselves questions, investigate and reflect on the ‘aftermath’. Undoubtedly, as prolonged processes, both the confirmation of the end of a cycle and its perception often introduce enormous complexity which, precisely because of the ‘continuity in discontinuity’ they represent, open up interesting lines of research.

ORGANIZERS

Irene Diaz
irenedzmz@gmail.com
University of Oviedo
Tibor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
Eszterházy Károly Catholic University, Eger - Hungary
Progress and Dispossession: Labour Memory in the Biobío Coal Basin

Authors:

María Esperanza Rock Núñez
University of Ruhr
Maria.RockNunez@ruhr-uni-bochum.de
The memory of labour and industrialisation in Latin America is marked by historical tensions that extend beyond the traditional frameworks of European labour history. In the Chilean case, industrialisation processes linked to coal extraction—particularly in the Gulf of Arauco basin, in the Biobío region—open a distinctive perspective for the study of industrial memory, workers’ heritage, and the relationship between colonisation and modernisation. Unlike other Latin American territories, the area where the coal industry was established from the mid-nineteenth century onwards corresponded to Mapuche lands, a space that had resisted Spanish colonial expansion for more than three centuries. The arrival of industrialisation therefore entailed not only the emergence of a mining proletariat and a radical transformation of the natural and social landscape, but also a new device of colonisation: one articulated around an extractive economy, the forced incorporation of Indigenous and peasant populations into industrial labour, and the construction of an idea of “progress” tied to the consolidating nation-state. Within this context, the cuestión social in Chile—with its strikes, mutual aid societies and trade unions—was deeply embedded in the industrial modernisation project, while simultaneously producing a systematic silencing of Indigenous and community memories. Whereas in Europe labour memory is often structured around class narratives, in Chile fragmented narratives emerge in which workers’ memories, colonial memories, and territorial memories intersect but seldom engage in dialogue. Today, processes of deindustrialisation and mine closures (particularly since the 1990s) have given rise to heritage initiatives driven by local communities, former workers, and descendants of miners. These initiatives, however, face the paradox of how to commemorate an experience that was simultaneously a driver of modernisation and an instrument of exploitation, dispossession, and violence. Community museums, memory associations, heritage routes and academic projects have sought to highlight the industrial legacy, while also confronting the challenge of how to incorporate Indigenous and territorial memories that were rendered invisible by the narrative of progress. This paper proposes to analyse the Chilean case through the lens of the tension between colonisation and industrialisation, demonstrating how industrial memory in Latin America cannot be understood solely through categories of class or labour, but must instead be approached intersectionally, taking into account colonialism, extractivism, gender, and territory. It argues that industrial heritage in Chile is not merely a space for recovering workers’ memories, but also a field of contestation where state narratives of progress, workers’ resistance, and marginalised Indigenous memories intersect. In this way, the case of the Biobío coal basin provides a key example for rethinking industrial memory from the Global South, broadening the scope of European labour history and interrogating its categories of analysis. The paper seeks to contribute to a transnational and comparative dialogue that understands the memories of labour and industrial heritage as part of global historical processes, shaped by colonial relations and structural inequalities that persist in the present.
“In the Tracks of Cement – Aspects of Cement’s Impact on the Capitalist Welfare Society, the Example of Köping in Sweden 1941–1978”

Authors:

Magnus Gustafson
University of Malmo
magnus.gustafson@mau.se
This paper aims to study the capitalist welfare society through two prisms: the place Köping in Sweden and the material cement. Through these two prisms, the study will illuminate how the global and the local are connected and clarify the relationship between cement, concrete and the urbanization of small towns. How do industrialization and urbanization affect people’s experiences of their reality in the small town of Köping – which becomes one of several epicenters for cement manufacturing – and how are these expressed in literary and other texts? During the intensive construction period of the Million Programme from the mid-sixties to the mid-seventies, cement production in Köping was in full swing. The cement factory also brought with it related industries, whose production is based on lime and cement as raw materials, such as Eternit factory. Aspect view and aspect change are key concepts for the paper. Both the place Köping and the material cement can be seen from several aspects. Similarly, the capitalist welfare society and urbanization can be seen from several aspects. Aspect view and aspect change are usually associated with the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein and the example of the image of the duck hare that can be seen alternately as a duck and as a hare, but not as both at the same time. The place Köping and the material cement are correspondingly duck hares that contain contradictory properties or aspects. These different aspects have partly to do with a broader environmental perspective – living environment, working environment, cultural environment, natural environment and climate threats, and partly how the local and global are interconnected in the capitalist welfare society. Small town Köping is the center and periphery at the same time. During the thirties, a wave of social organization came to Sweden, ranging from labor and peasant parties to trade unions and interest organizations that laid the foundation for a dynamic capitalism side by side with large and firmly rooted popular organizations, according to sociologist Göran Therborn. The seventies would prove to be the crowning achievement of the labor movement. The focus is on stories in the form of memories, but also, for example, in the form of satire, irony and criticism. The question is how these stories are structured based on how, for example, characters are presented, what the environment looks like, how focalizer (the story’s filter), narrator, story levels and time aspects are depicted. The question is also how different types of experiences, primarily memories, are structured. Short stories and interviews will be the main material in this paper.
“Heritage and touristification of industrial sites in Asturias, Spain. Narratives, representations and discourses from a reflexive nostalgia”

Authors:

irene Diaz
University of Ovideo
irenedzmz@gmail.com
In this paper, I am interested in analysing the narratives and discourses that have been developed on industrial heritage and its tourist dimension in Asturias-Spain from the 1990s to the present day, drawing on interviews with former miners, activists and cultural managers stored in the Oral Archive for the Social History of Asturias (AFOHSA). For this approach, I find the concept of nostalgia useful, and how it has been applied in studies on heritage, paying special attention to the analysis of narratives on the memory of work and, closely related to this, the presence (or fading) of the working class in these heritage spaces. What is known as ‘smokestack nostalgia’ in the context of industrial heritage has abounded in how museums have concealed the harshness of capitalist exploitation and curtailed perspectives that should also include the bright side, understood as the achievements and values associated with the labour movement. In this sense, perhaps the great challenge facing Asturias is to draw on initiatives that have worked successfully elsewhere, to rethink and apply nostalgia in a proactive and progressive way, with all that this entails in terms of challenging a ‘whitewashed’ institutional discourse. Not surprisingly, if there is one emotion that nostalgic evocation conveys, it is the uncertainty of the present and the future rather than an uncritical longing for the past. This implies thinking about the question of who manages and promotes heritage and the initiatives that associations, entities and individuals promote to enhance their communities.

11:00–12:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 208

10. Military Labour

Roundtable: What is Military Labour?

Chair: Pratyay Nath

pratyay.nath@ashoka.edu.in

Ashoka University

This roundtable asks how labour historians might define “military labour”. We consider the full range of work that enables armed forces in war and peace—logistics and maintenance, combat and non-combat, intelligence and surveillance, domestic and community support, contracting and supply, paid and unpaid, coerced and recruited, and more—alongside interspecies labour (by, for example, horses, dogs, and pigeons). Panellists will probe shifting lines, and discuss how these distinctions shape value, status, and visibility. We will also reflect on methods and sources across periods and geographies. The aim is to map a shared research agenda for the Working Group while keeping categories open to critique and revision.

ORGANIZERS

Christine de Matos
christine.dematos@nd.edu.au
The University of Notre Dame Australia
Pratyay Nath
pratyay.nath@ashoka.edu.in
Ashoka University
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion

Authors:

Lawrence T. McDonnell
Iowa State University
lmcd@iastate.edu
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion

Authors:

Jeongmin Kim
University of Manitoba
Jeongmin.Kim@umanitoba.ca
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion

Authors:

Julia Heinemann
University of Antwerp
Julia.Heinemann@uantwerpen.be
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion.

Authors:

Martina Berggren
Swedish Defence University
Martina.Berggren@fhs.se
Not relevant as this is a roundtable discussion.

11:00–12:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 204

3. Workplaces: pasts and presents

Unpacking the Workplace: Archives, Theories, and Scales

Chair: Gorkem Akgoz

akgozgorkem@yahoo.com

IISH

Görkem Akgöz, International Institute of Social History, Haunted Landscapes: Industrial Geography and the Making of Contested Workplace Ecologies

Richard A. Bachmann, University of Michigan, The Auto Plant as Technological Environment: The Yale Technology Project and the Search for Curtailing the Detrimental Effects of Technological Change on Worker Satisfaction at General Motors, 1949-59

Timon De Groot, Internaltional Institute of Social History, Amsterdam, From farm to factory. Workplace Ecologies and Rural-Industrial Transition in 1950s and 1960s Netherlands

Suna Kafadar, Troubled Ground: Transspecies Labor Relations in 19th-Century Istanbul’s Market Gardens

ORGANIZERS

Gorkem Akgoz
akgozgorkem@yahoo.com
IISH

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 222

5. Labour and Coercion

10. Military Labour

Labour, Coercion and the Military, 16th–20th century

Chair: Peláez Domínguez, Teresa

teresa.pelaez@uv.es

University of Valencia

In recent years, the military has been firmly established as a site of labour, and military labour history thus claimed its place within labour history. However, even though work related to war and the military is widely known to have included a significant amount of coercion, the interplay between work, coercion and punishment when it comes to the military and its actors has limited systematic research. This panel therefore aims to bring together research highlighting the connection between these dynamics – that is, how coercion was practiced, experienced and resisted when it came to the military throughout history.
The contributions in this panel focus on the material practices of coercion shaped by the logics of both war and economic exploitation, ideological justifications for coercion, workers’ own understandings of their coercion and their strategies in fighting it. Spanning across the period from the 16th to the 20th century and geographical regions from the Mediterranean and Northern Africa across Greece and the Austrian part of the Habsburg monarchy to (Imperial) Japan, the panel allows for a comparative perspective on these dynamics beyond traditional binaries.
The papers in this panel reflect a broad conceptualisation of military labour – they focus not on soldiers themselves, but on different sites of labour where military, state and civil society came together, and coercion was produced through their specific interaction. From this perspective, factory workers, convicts, sex workers, shipbuilders and soldiers’ wives and children all become part of military labour regimes. The fact that they might not have been understood as military workers, or even workers at all, at the time becomes a crucial part of understanding the specific coercive practices they were subjected to. This panel thus presents an important contribution both to the conceptualisation of coercion as an analytical lens and to military labour history and a step towards unmaking the boundaries that have traditionally shaped discussions in these fields.

ORGANIZERS

Petrik, Teresa
teresa.petrik@univie.ac.at
Vienna University of Economics and Business
Peláez Domínguez, Teresa
teresa.pelaez@uv.es
University of Valencia
: Military discipline at the margins? Coercion in the lives of soldiers’ women and children, 18th century Habsburg Austria

Authors:

Petrik, Teresa
Vienna University of Economics and Business
teresa.petrik@univie.ac.at
This paper examines the coercive dimensions of military welfare in the Habsburg monarchy during the 18th century. In a context of near-constant warfare on one hand, and state centralisation on the other, the Habsburg monarchy fundamentally reformed its military during this time. Part of these reforms was an increased investment in the reproduction of a military labour force. This included the introduction of benefits for former soldiers as well as, particularly from c. 1770 onwards, the inclusion of women and children into the relief systems of the military. These practices can be read as a form of military welfare and thus serving a dual purpose: they reflected the monarchy’s efforts to present itself as charitable while also maintaining a disciplined military labour force. At the same time, however, the lives of those who received support were shaped by control and coercion. Former soldiers, their wives, widows and children, remained part of the military sphere. The state increasingly tried to make use of them as a labour force, for example in so-called ‘military orphanages’ which were tied to textile production. These endeavours were linked both to notions of military discipline and to mercantilist strategies aimed at transforming subjects into economically useful citizens. This paper explores the previously under-researched experiences of women and children in the early modern military sector. It considers the presence of women and children in institutions for (invalid) soldiers, their integration into poor relief systems, and the development of specific institutions for soldiers’ children. All these aspects were characterised by a tension between the monarchy’s attempt to grant a special status to the military and thus raise its prestige on one hand, and the reality of the life circumstances created by the military – experiences of forced mobility, violence, disability, and foreignness – on the other. Therefore, the contribution not only widens our perspective on military labour history but also sheds light on how the interaction of military and civil logics created specific situations of coercion. It explores which role the status of being a ‘military person’ played in these coercive dynamics and considers the impact of gender, (dis)ability and age on the experiences of those subjected to these dynamics.
To Be Used and Then Discarded: Gendered Coercion and Military Sexual Labour under Japanese Imperialism

Authors:

Dionisio, Agnese
Sophia University
a.dionisio@akane.waseda.jp
This paper examines the coerced military sexual labour of women under Japanese imperialism, with a focus on the psychological, social, and cultural mechanisms that shaped their exploitation. I argue that coercion functioned not only through physical force or economic deprivation, but also through deeply internalised ideals of gendered sacrifice. Drawing on testimonies, memoirs, and secondary scholarship, I explore how both Japanese and colonised women (from occupied territories around the Asia-Pacific) were coerced into serving the imperial military through sexual labour. For Japanese women, state and cultural rhetoric framed sexual sacrifice as a patriotic duty – an honourable path for women with no other perceived value. Yet, post-1945, these women were met with social ostracism.In contrast, colonised women were often driven by the desire to protect their families. Many were deceived into believing they would receive legitimate work, only to discover they had been recruited for sexual slavery. Not only were structural conditions coercive, but these women often felt compelled to sacrifice themselves. This self-sacrifice, shaped by Confucian values prevalent across East Asia and religious ideals in places like Indonesia, reveals a deep paradox: in patriarchal systems where men are meant to protect, it was women who bore that burden instead – only to be blamed and shamed for it during and after the conflict.By comparing these narratives, the paper shows how coercion was not only externally imposed but deeply embedded in gendered hierarchies and moral economies. Punishment continued beyond the wartime experience, manifesting as postwar shame, silencing, and exclusion. Situating these women as military labourers exposes the complex entanglements of gender, empire, and violence, while also challenging how military labour is defined and remembered. Framing their experiences through the lens of military labour history allows us to reimagine the terrain of justice and accountability – recognising these women not only as victims, but also as workers whose exploitation demands historical and ethical reckoning.
Between Labour and Coercion: Gender, Discipline and Civilian Workers in the Greek Military’s Clothing - Footwear Factory, 1909–1951

Authors:

Tsirtsikou, Marina
University of Ioannina
tsirtsikoumar@gmail.com
The government Military Clothing – Footwear Factory (MF 700) at Piraeus, a division of the military factories in Greece, was founded in 1909 and has been operating ever since, as a military producer of clothing and footwear. MF 700’s workforce consists of both military and civilian personnel. The military personnel, although fewer in number, are the administrative officers, while the civilian personnel, who significantly increased from a few dozen in 1909 to 1300 in the first half of the 20th century, are employed as factory workers. This paper investigates the gendered dynamics of civilian labour in the clothing department of the MF 700 during the period 1909–1951, with a particular focus on the transition of women’s work from the home to the factory in response to military needs. Drawing on extensive primary sources from military archives, the research analyses the implementation of coercive discipline through monetary fines, which disproportionately affected civilian workers. These financial penalties, deducted from already low wages, served not only to enforce productivity but also to regulate conduct and moral behaviour. While military personnel were subject to imprisonment for disciplinary breaches, civilian men and women were penalised economically, with women facing heightened scrutiny and sanctions for perceived moral transgressions, such as inappropriate dress or Despite the extensive Greek and international literature on gendered labour and coercion, the research connection between them in military-industrial environments remains limited. This case study offers a critical approach to civilian labour within the military sector, highlighting how monetary fines functioned not only as means of coercive discipline, but also as a social construction of gendered control and institutional discipline.
Shipwrights in Shackles: Coercion and Skilled Military Labour in the Early Modern Mediterranean

Authors:

Aguilera-López, Jorge
University of Helsinki
jorge.aguileralopez@helsinki.fi
This paper examines how coercion structured the recruitment, deployment, and experience of skilled military labour on the early modern Barbary Coast. Focusing on the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it explores how Barbary corsair regimes systematically targeted, captured, and exploited European maritime artisans and experts – especially shipwrights – whose technical knowledge was essential to naval warfare. Corsair raiding was not simply piracy but a deliberate system of forced military recruitment, supplying North African ports with the specialist labour needed to maintain and expand their fleets. Enslaved shipbuilders, artillerymen, and blacksmiths were carefully assessed for their skills and integrated into military infrastructure under conditions that blurred the lines between slavery and conditional privilege. These skilled captives were spared the brutal labour of the galley oar and often received elevated status, wages, and limited freedoms, but such concessions were calculated mechanisms of control, ensuring compliance while making their ransom all but impossible. Drawing on archival records, diplomatic correspondence, and contemporary narratives, this study foregrounds the experiences and strategies of these coerced workers themselves. It highlights how they navigated, negotiated, and resisted an organised system of forced military labour provisioning. Comparative cases across the Mediterranean reveal that this dynamic was neither incidental nor isolated but a core element of early modern maritime power. By centring the relationship between coercion and expertise, the paper argues that forced skilled labour was fundamental to early modern military capability. It challenges assumptions that Mediterranean slavery concerned only unskilled or expendable bodies, instead showing how states weaponised technical knowledge through coercion. This approach offers new insights into the entanglement of labour, coercion, and state power, revealing how unfree but expert workers underpinned naval warfare and state-building in the early modern Mediterranean world.

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 219

11. Precarious Labour

Precarious Labour and Migration

Chair: María Fernanda Arellanes

maria.fernanda.arellanes@gmail.com

Independent scholar

Discussants:

María Fernanda Arellanes
maria.fernanda.arellanes@gmail.com
Independent scholar

This panel focuses on migrant workers and precarious labour.

ORGANIZERS

Nina Trige Andersen
nina.trige.andersen@gmail.com
Independent historian
Rosa Kösters
rosa.kosters@iisg.nl
IISH
Sibylle Marti
sibylle.marti@unibe.ch
Universität Bern
Labour Precarity and Coercion: South Asian Immigrant Workers in the U.S. Food Service Industry

Authors:

Nikita Aggarwal
University of Maryland
nikita.aggarwal@ssw.umaryland.edu
This paper examines the intersection of labour precarity and coercion experienced by South Asian immigrant workers in the U.S. food service industry, situating their contemporary workplace challenges within broader historical and structural frameworks of precarious labour. The food service sector, characterized by fast-paced, physically and emotionally demanding work, low wages, limited protections, and minimal job security, exemplifies a site where coercive labour practices persist under neoliberal capitalism. Immigrant workers, especially those undocumented or facing language barriers, are disproportionately vulnerable to exploitation, wage theft, verbal abuse, and unsafe working conditions, which compound their precarity and constrain their agency.Guided by a theoretical integration of the Structural-Environmental framework and Syndemic theory, this concurrent mixed-methods study draws on ethnographic fieldwork across 40 food establishments in New York and Maryland and semi-structured interviews, and quantitative surveys conducted with 20 South Asian immigrant restaurant workers. The research highlights how immigration-related stressors, such as financial instability, discrimination, and lack of prior job knowledge, intersect with workplace coercion to produce a syndemic burden of mental health challenges, including depression and substance use. Participants reported experiences of wage theft, verbal and sexual harassment, and pressure to work while ill, reflecting coercive labour conditions that echo historical patterns of forced and unfree labour, albeit in a contemporary, neoliberal context.Findings also reveal that pre-migration stressors related to financial pressures, uncertainty regarding the journey, lack of information about employment and living conditions, as well as post-migration realities shaped by increasingly stringent labour and immigration regulations. Additionally, participant-identified risk factors suggest that their precarity is not merely an outcome of individual circumstances but is structurally produced through intersecting systems of racialization, immigration status, and labour market segmentation. The study situates these dynamics within the historical continuum of labour coercion, showing how modern food service labour replicates coercive practices through atomization, lack of collective bargaining power, and employer strategies that exploit immigrant vulnerabilities. Social support emerged as a crucial buffer, yet systemic barriers limit access to safer employment and culturally responsive mental health services.By centring immigrant workers’ lived experiences, this paper contributes to historical and sociological understandings of labour precarity and coercion, emphasizing the need for trauma-informed, intersectional interventions that address both pre-migration and post-migration vulnerabilities. It calls for expanded research and policy efforts to dismantle exploitative labour regimes and improve workplace conditions in essential yet marginalized sectors like food service. It contributes to ongoing debates about the transformation of labour migration, the reproduction of inequalities, and the urgent need for intersectional interventions to dismantle exploitative labour regimes affecting migrant workers globally.
Cross-border Migrant Domestic workers in Nigeria; Precarity in both Direction -Employee and Employer

Authors:

Samuel Umoh Uwem
Czech Academy of Sciences
Samumo8000@gmail.com
In Nigeria, the demand for paid domestic work has grown substantially, creating both employment opportunities and heightened vulnerabilities for cross-border migrant domestic workers. The majority of these workers are women from neighboring countries such as Benin, Togo, and Niger. While they migrate in search of economic opportunities, weak labor protections often confine them to precarious jobs characterized by low pay, long hours, informality, and frequent exposure to abuse.This paper draws on interviews with domestic worker recruitment agencies, policy analysis, social media analysis, and media mapping to examine how precarity in Nigeria’s domestic work sector is precarious for employees and employers. Social factors—such as migration status and employment condition —shape the lived experiences of these women.The analysis also highlights how domestic workers—commonly referred to as househelp—employ everyday strategies of resistance, or “weapons of the weak.” These include subtle defiance such as foot-dragging, negotiated refusal of tasks, and informal boundary-setting. Such strategies underscore how women navigate and contest their precarious conditions in contexts where collective bargaining and formal protections are absent. While much attention has been focused on the preciousness of domestic help, the precariousness of the employees who are killed and harmed is not receiving scant attention. Findings revealed how domestic staff molest, assault, and inflict excruciating pains on the children left in their care.Hiring of domestic staff and its effect on households' crime has been an issues of great concern in Nigeria. Although Nigeria has ratified international conventions and adopted a Labour Migration Policy that acknowledges domestic workers, significant gaps remain in implementation and enforcement. Current efforts to expand protections, including a bill that passed its second reading in March 2025 to establish a minimum wage and ensure fair compensation for domestic workers, represent important steps but fall short of transforming the sector. The paper contributes to broader debates on informal labor, social protection, and the agency of women workers in the Global South.
Organising Solidarity in the Danish Labour Movement: Migration and Labour Differentiation at the Borders of the Trade Union

Authors:

Karen Ravn Vestergaard
Malmö University
karen.vestergaard@mau.se
This paper discusses how the Danish labour movement engages with forms of solidarity across labour differentiation from a multi-scalar perspective. It builds on an ongoing PhD project that examines solidarity and collective organising around migrant labour and precariousness within the Danish trade union federation 3F. Specifically, it focuses on the construction, transport, and cleaning sectors as key sites of precarisation and migrant labour as well as for infrastructures of social reproduction. The perspective of social reproduction brings an original perspective on how certain forms of labour, worker subjects, and movements can be un-/recognised in labour organising (Jaffe 2020). This paper explores (racialised and gendered) labour differentiation as a multi-scalar process constituted by, as well as transcending, the national border as one of many bordering apparatuses shaping labour mobility, migration, and stratification (Mezzadra & Neilson 2013; Anderson 2019). It accounts for the Danish labour movement as primarily representing wage labour and workers from the ‘capitalist centre’ benefitting from an uneven division of the global working class (Cope 2015; Brand & Wissen 2021). This includes acknowledging the movement’s role in the shaping of the national welfare state. The paper, therefore, engages with bordering processes (Hanieh & Ziadeh 2023) by examining how the Danish labour movement has ‘bordered’ itself regarding the in-/exclusion of worker subjects and forms of labour in labour struggles.Based on interviews with union activists, representatives, and partners, it argues that solidarity (internationally and locally) in the Danish labour movement often takes a protectionist/ nationalist form by focusing on protecting Danish workers inside ‘the nation.’ It further argues that it often treats forms of racialised labour differentiation as an ‘external’ process threatening ‘the Danish model.’ Migrant labour, specifically, is oftentimes invoked to explain the increase in forms of precarious labour, thereby overlooking how processes of labour differentiation are historically embedded and constitutive of labour relations as such (De Genova 2023). Consequently, organising efforts risk excluding certain forms of labour and worker subjects, thus reproducing the forms of labour differentiation they aim to address. This paper applies a historical perspective exploring whether such organising challenges represent a continuum or rupture of the Danish labour movement’s earlier engagements with solidarity.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 207

11. Precarious Labour

Precarious Labour in the Late 19th and Early 20th Century

Chair: Nina Trige Andersen

nina.trige.andersen@gmail.com

Independent historian

Discussants:

Nina Trige Andersen
nina.trige.andersen@gmail.com
Independent historian

The focus of this panel is precarious labour in the late 19th and early 20th century.

ORGANIZERS

María Fernanda Arellanes
maria.fernanda.arellanes@gmail.com
Independent scholar
Rosa Kösters
rosa.kosters@iisg.nl
IISH
Sibylle Marti
sibylle.marti@unibe.ch
Universität Bern
Labour of Minors in the Industrial Sector of Ukraine (19th–early 20th century)

Authors:

Iryna Shandra
Kharkiv State Academy of Culture
irina.shandra24@gmail.com
At the present stage, the phrase „labor of minors” sounds alarming and is a sign of the low economic and cultural development of society. For the period of industrialization of the 19th – early 20th century this phenomenon was by no means a rarity, but rather one of the components of economic modernization. The Ukrainian lands were no exception in this regard, child and adolescent labor was used in coal, metallurgical, chemical and other industries.This study is based on workers’ memories of their teenage years, memories of mining engineers, factory inspectors, public figures, as well as, albeit very scattered, statistics on the employment of minors in industry in the second half of the 19th – early 20th century. The most significant and, in this regard, reflected in the memoirs of participants in the production process, were such aspects of the work of minors: working conditions, wages, „professions” of minors, their employment statistics, the evolution of labor legislation and numerous violations of approved norms.On the one hand, the prevalence of underage labor was an indisputable sign of the social problems of the 19th – early 20th centuries: poverty of a significant part of society, low level of education, conflicting moral and ethical standards in families. On the other hand, the post-reform period was the time of the formation of large-scale capitalist production, fraught with all the difficulties of the initial stage. Vacancies for such inherently low-productive work were filled by minors.The fate of the psychological moment follows, that it was embarrassing for an adult man to engage in such supposedly „simple”, „auxiliary”, „unimportant”, „secondary” work. Children and teenagers were ideally suited for the role of a kind of „production assistants”.The complex conclusion is that it took a long mutual development of public opinion, legislation and family foundations in order to eradicate the work of minors in industry.
The Press Debate Over Working Conditions on Henequen Plantations in Yucatán, Mexico

Authors:

Marisa Margarita Pérez Domínguez
Dr. José María Luis Mora Research Institute
maperez@mora.edu.mx
In the last third of the 19th century, the state of Yucatán played a privileged role in the global economy, based on the production and export of the henequen fibre to the international market, particularly to the United States.The need to satisfy the market demands for fibre, the so-called "green gold," led henequen farmers to resort to various mechanisms to obtain and retain labour, such as forced settlement, the involuntary nature of the work of deportees, the transfer of debts for the exchange of one property to another party, the inclusion of debts in inventories of assets, as well as the consideration of debts in the valuation of said assets, remuneration in the form of bonuses, and, generally speaking, arbitrariness in social relations.In this context, one of the privileged sources for the analysis and reconstruction of historical events and processes is the press as it reflects, to a certain scale, the opinions of a significant sector of society. Given the importance this written media acquired during the rule of Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911), this study proposes to use it, particularly what was published in the early years of the 20th century, as the primary source to address an intricate issue that caused great commotion during this time period: working conditions on the henequen plantation. This complex phenomenon set the tone for a debate, where the labour practices employed by Yucatecan farm owners were brought to the table, even leading to the assertion of the existence of slavery on the peninsula.
Buenos Aires, An Ephemeral City: Precariousness, Housing, and Work Among the Jewish Immigrant Community, 1890–1920

Authors:

Walter L. Koppmann
University of Buenos Aires
walter.koppmann@conicet.gov.ar
Between 1890 and 1910, Buenos Aires unfolded as a modern metropolis, irreversibly changing its appearance. In less than three decades, a complex transportation and urban infrastructure system was built to accommodate a population that had multiplied several times over due to transatlantic migration.The Jewish working-class community in Argentina grew to a recognizable size around 1905 when thousands of male workers and families arrived, fleeing pogroms, hunger, and difficult conditions under the Tsarist empire. Within a few years, the Jewish community in Buenos Aires became the largest in Latin America.Based on the analysis of primary sources and secondary bibliography, the aim of this paper is to explore how did Buenos Aires’ urban development process shape the formation of the Jewish working-class, not only within working places but also outside of them, in many areas of sociability such as taverns, bars, libraries, theatres, and tenement houses. In a city where half of the inhabitants were foreign-born, cosmopolitanism was an outward symbol of a tough daily life in which precariousness permeated every aspect. In fact, both housing and labor conditions were terrible, and leisure time was scarce.The following questions guided our research: What were the living and labor conditions of the working class in Buenos Aires at the beginning of the twentieth century? To what extent did these conditions reflect the rapid process of capitalist urban development? Were the habitat and housing conditions of Jewish workers and families different from those of the rest of the working class? What factors may have contributed to cementing the social representation of “exotic migrants”? To what extent did collective solidarity prevail among the working class and, conversely, to what extent were the tendencies of the Jewish working community toward urban segregation reinforced?

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 207

7. Labour and Family Economy

(II) Women, work, and family in early modern Italian cities

Discussants:

Anna Bellavitis
anna.bellavitis@univ-rouen.fr
Université de Rouen Normandie

Since the 1970s, economic historians have placed great emphasis on the ‘ruralization’ of manufacturing activities in the early modern period, in the context of proto-industrialization and on the role of small towns in this process. This approach remains partial and does not take into account the possibilities that the urban environment could offer. We propose to refocus the analysis on women’s economic activities in cities with complex economies and which constitute the destination of important migratory flows, particularly in periods of crisis. Cities were sources of support and work for women and women were a necessary resource to adapt urban economies in the context of the first globalisation.
Research on artisan families has highlighted the important economic function of the dowry as a contribution at the time of marriage that could be invested in the family workshop, thus directly entering into the construction of a common patrimony between spouses who often worked together to the point of overcoming, in fact, the separation of property, a characteristic of Roman law. Moreover, in the artisan classes, the obligation for the bride to bring a dowry to the wedding could only constitute an incentive to invest in a work activity, in the absence of a family inheritance. Far from being a disincentive on paid work, the dowry was a source of investment and a resource at key moments in the family history. By reconstructing the economic activities of women, we wish to see how paid work could be a form of accumulation for some of them with a view to building up their dowries. During marriage, we wish to examine the economic uses they could make of their dowries, for example to start up or invest in family activities, or to carry out loan operations.
How women’s work made it possible to cope with crises both in the family and in the urban economy? What consequences did the relative marginalisation of the Italian economy during the early modern age have on female employment? What activities were abandoned and what new possibilities arose? Our hypothesis is that, contrary to what has sometimes been assumed, women are not expelled from economic activities or relegated to unpaid domestic tasks, but on the contrary constitute essential elements in helping the economies of their families and cities to overcome crises. Data collected on women’s activities, agency and wages in the Italian towns will constitute new elements of criticism against the model of the ‘Little divergence’ between Northern and Southern Europe. We wish to provide the material necessary to rethink the whole economic and social history of early modern Europe, one that gives due value to the role of women and highlights the complexity of gender relations at work.

ORGANIZERS

Anna Bellavitis
anna.bellavitis@univ-rouen.fr
Université de Rouen Normandie
Corine Maitte
corine.maitte@univ-eiffel.fr
Université Gustave Eiffel
Women and work in the female conservatories: the case of the Conservatorio delle Pericolanti in Rome.

Authors:

Emma Pietroletti
Università di Roma Tre
emma.pietroletti@uniroma3.it
This paper intends to reflect on the foundation, during the pontificate of Pius VI in 1792, of the Conservatorio delle pericolanti in Rome. In the institute, erected with the aim of housing orphan girls “exposed to danger”, was set up a silk factory, which was the main activity carried out by the pupils. Thanks also to the high technological level of its machinery, it became one of the main centres for silk processing in Rome. The reconstruction of the institute's history was conducted through the study of unpublished documentation, now kept in the archives of the Accademia dei Lincei in Rome, concerning both the work carried out by the orphans and the internal management coordinated by the superiors. Data contained in the silk registers and concerning the wages of the pupils, the quantity of silk processed calculated in pounds, the different tasks within the factory and the names of the pious customers help defining a picture that allows us to grasp the economic importance of the conservatory in the urban context of Rome. Other sources, such as the letters exchanged between the superiors and the deputies of the institution, allow us to reflect not only on the working autonomy achieved by the Conservatory's female students but also on their awareness of their own work: instances, alliances and resistances, showing a compact female community that knows how to strategically use its position to obtain collective or personal advantages. This institute is therefore a significant case study for at least two reasons: because it contributes to filling a historiographical gap concerning silk processing in a city like Rome, providing precise data on the processing of this fibre, and because it restores relevance to the dimension of work within places such as the women's conservatories. Widening the perspective and considering the use that the alumnae made of the institution, and not only the use that the institution made of the alumnae, is probably key to reading and rereading a place such as the Conservatorio delle pericolanti in Rome.
Labor, Discipline, and Dowry: Female Work as a Tool of Social Reintegration in Roman Conservatories (18th–Early 19th Century)

Authors:

Francesca Palumbo
Università di Perugia,
Francesca.palumbo97@hotmail.com
This paper explores the central role of female labor within two Roman charitable institutions, Conservatorio di San Pasquale Bajlon and Conservatorio della Divina Provvidenza, from the 18th century to the early 19th century. These conservatories combined religious instruction, social discipline, and vocational training, aiming to reintegrate residents into society primarily through marriage or monastic life. Drawing on archival sources, such as payment registers, internal regulations, and petitions submitted by the residents, this study examines how labor within these institutions functioned as both an educational tool and a means of limited economic agency. One key finding of this study concerns the ways in which the vocational skills acquired by the girls shaped their post-institutional futures. Archival records, particularly marriage petitions, reveal that many of the girls married local craftsmen such as shoemakers, tailors, hatters, or weavers. These men explicitly sought wives who could contribute to their trade, and the conservatory-trained girls, with their well-developed skills, were highly valued in this context. Thus, the labor performed within the institutions directly enhanced the girls’ marriage prospects and opened up opportunities for participation in artisan economies. The paper also sheds light on the agency of these institutionalized women, who did not passively accept their condition. Notably, residents of San Pasquale submitted multiple petitions to ecclesiastical and civil authorities requesting commercial protections, including bans on Neapolitan silk imports and exclusive supply contracts with the military. Such actions reveal a sophisticated understanding of market dynamics and demonstrate the residents' proactive role in improving both institutional revenue and their own dowry outcomes. Ultimately, this study argues that labor in Roman conservatories functioned not merely as a disciplinary mechanism, but as a complex and ambivalent space of opportunity. Through work, the girls could accumulate dowries, acquire valuable skills, and negotiate better social and economic futures. Far from being passive subjects of charitable control, these young women actively shaped their reintegration trajectories, using labor as both a means of survival and a form of social ambition.
The textile manufacturing of the Real Monte della Pietà female orphanage in Barletta: training, work organisation and economic activity (18th-19th centuries).

Authors:

Angela Carbone
Università di Bari Aldo Moro,
angela.carbone@uniba.it
From the end of the 18th century, the ancient 17th-century conservatory of the Real Monte della Pietà in Barletta underwent a period of substantial change as part of the new welfare, cultural, ideological and economic policies of the entire Kingdom of Naples. Following the transfer of the conservatory to the former Jesuit college, and in line with the thinking of the most influential Neapolitan Enlightenment figures, Francesco Paolo de Leon, one of the administrators of the institute, introduced a manufacturing plant in 1791 that was to become one of the most important textile “companies” in 19th-century Apulia, specialising in the production of olona cloth (used to make boat sails). Based on sources preserved in the institution's historical archive, this paper aims to reconstruct the work training of the orphaned girls, the organisation of activities, the girls' remuneration, which was also intended to build up a dowry for when they left the institution, and the economic activity of the factories in the context of the urban reality of the time. In fact, from the outset, the orphans employed in the factories were not sufficient to meet the ever-increasing external demand. The director therefore decided to assign the spinning phase to women working from home, with remuneration equal to that paid to the orphans of the institution. For many young girls, this initiative represented an opportunity to help the economies of their families and the entire town, overcoming moments of crisis and stagnation. The reconstruction of this case study can contribute to a rethinking of the role of women in the economic and social context of Apulia between the 18th and 19th centuries, overcoming overly rigid stereotypes and traditional historiographical paradigms.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 204

7. Labour and Family Economy

(II) Families on the move: Labour migration and family economies in Europe (17th to 20th centuries)

Chair: Maria Papathanassiou

mpapath@arch.uoa.gr

National and Kapodistrian University of Athens

Discussants:

Céline Mutos Xicola
cmutos@ub.edu
Universitat de Barcelona
Beatrice Zucca Micheletto
beatricezucca@unito.it
University of Turin

The (double) session aims at bringing forward and discussing the extent and the ways in which labour history / the history of work bridge migration and family history. The papers deal with labour migration and family economy in western, central and southeastern European regions from the 17th to the 20th centuries. They address the ways in which household and kinship structures and dynamics interacted with long-distance as well as short-distance labour migration, they examine migration within rural as well as urban household contexts, address the significance of gender and age, as well as labour migration’s impact on family relations. Topics regard migration from rural to urban spaces, as well as labour mobility within the rural countryside, migration within the European continent, as well as between Europe and other continents, transatlantic migration, women, child, male and female youth migrants, the importance of remittances and epistolary communication for the functioning of coherent family economies over long distances, the value of autobiographical sources for studying labor migration in relation to the family economy. By examining the history of labour migration within the context of the family economy, the connection and interaction between the latter, and relationships between family members, behaviors, and emotions is highlighted.

ORGANIZERS

Maria Papathanassiou
mpapath@arch.uoa.gr
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
Family and Kinship Relations of Transatlantic Migrants from the Habsburg Empire

Authors:

Annemarie Steidl
University of Vienna
annemarie.steidl@univie.ac.at
More than fifteen million people left Europe for the United States of America in the period from 1890 to 1914, the vast majority of whom had been born in Eastern and Southern Europe. By the first decade of the twentieth century, the Habsburg Empire had become a major source of labor migrants for the US economy. Even if the necessary preconditions for significant overseas traffic had developed relatively late, overseas migration had now become a generally accepted practice to improve an individual’s as well as a family’s living situation. Networks of family and kinship, built by former migrants, influenced migration decisions of newcomers. These networks were a set of interpersonal ties that served to connect mobile people with family members already living in the US and those who remained at the place of origin in Europe through linkages of kinship as well as friendship and shared community origin. The specific characteristics of people from Imperial Austria and the Kingdom of Hungary who crossed the Atlantic varied according to demographic, socio-economic, and ethnic composition of the population concerned. Different patterns of overseas mobility can be identified along ethnic and regional lines, and timing of migration, as for example, Czech speakers were among the first who moved overseas – already around the middle of the century; many of them were skilled laborers and most of them travelled as families. In comparison, individuals from the Dalmatian coast decided for a transatlantic move rather late, around the turn of the century, most of them were recorded as farm laborers and were overwhelmingly unaccompanied single or married men. Based on passenger records from transatlantic ships from Norddeutsche Lloyd and Hamburg America Linie from the year 1910, my paper will explore different family and kinship relationships and networks of people who moved between Central Europe and the USA.
Service, Crisis and the Household Economy of Makeshifts (Austria, 1918-1938)

Authors:

Jessica Richter
University of Vienna
jessica.richter@univie.ac.at
The research literature often emphasises domestic servants’ high mobility. In many countries, servants have been almost exclusively female (e.g. Hoerder/van Nederveen Meerkerk/Neunsinger, Sarti ). Even around 1900, they migrated to other places and countries and often travelled further distances than the men and women working in farm service, for instance. Moreover, domestic servants rarely endured one position for long. The few available figures for different locations in Europe vary greatly, but generally, frequent changes of position were common. Some domestic aides only stayed with one employer for a few months or even just a few weeks. Accordingly, scholars often refer to domestic workers when challenging men’s alleged dominance in inter/national mobility (e.g. Steidl, Steidl/Fischer- Nebmaier/Oberly ). However, an examination of autobiographical records written by farm and domestic servants also shows the importance of family in this context. Whether or not a person was mobile was a matter of negotiation. Above all, im/mobility could be read as a family household attempt to balance available material resources and labour requirements with the number of residents. For example, parents placed children into service at farms or in private households to “have one less eater in the house”. Saving scarce means of subsistence was in many cases even complemented by remittances young family members would send home. In turn, at least many of them could rely on family support in times of need – when they had lost income opportunities or had fallen sick. In the poverty-stricken rural households in question, mobility could furthermore be linked to the sedentariness of other household members, who would stay to replace those who had left. These examples taken from personal accounts highlight the connections between livelihood organisation, labour migration and family economies and deserve a more detailed investigation. They add to findings presented in the research literature on “economies of makeshift” (e.g. Hufton, King/Tomkins, Marx-Jaskulsk ) and “household strategies for survival” (Fontaine/Schlumbohm ). Livelihood practices of the (working) poor can often only be understood if the entire household, family links and possibly other personal networks are taken into account. This was especially the case since other forms of support by the state, or the church were far from sufficient in many historical contexts including interwar Austria. Rather, poor populations found very different strategies to secure their livelihoods. They made a living on the fine line between legal and illegal, regular and irregular or between formal and informal income opportunities. Many did not struggle alone, but jointly with and/or on behalf of relatives. On the basis of personal accounts, this contribution compares different possibilities and combinations of livelihoods in the household context during the recurring crises in interwar Austria. It discusses how gender, class and citizenship structured such practices and official attempts to control, support or sanction such livelihoods.
No Way Back: Rural Exodus and the Making of Working-Class Athens. Construction Labour and the Struggle for Autonomy among Postwar Migrant Youth

Authors:

Dimitra Lampropoulou
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
dlamprop@arch.uoa.gr
In the aftermath of Nazi occupation and a devastating civil war, Greece entered a period of profound social and economic transformation. This paper examines the internal migration of young rural men who, in the postwar decades, left behind a depleted countryside to seek work in the expanding construction sector of Athens. Unlike earlier patterns of migration that maintained close ties with the rural homeland, this new wave marked a more definitive break, driven not only by the collapse of agrarian economies and the unraveling of traditional family-based labour arrangements, but also by changing generational aspirations and the reconfiguration of familial roles. These migration flows were not purely individual acts of escape or ambition; rather, they unfolded within broader, evolving family practices. Rather than seeing it as a result of cohesive familial strategies or a simple opposition between individual agency and family obligation, the paper argues that migration was part of a broader, multi-layered transformation. In postwar Greece, internal migration often unfolded through diverse family strategies – ranging from the movement of sons, daughters or entire households to combinations of domestic and international migration. Despite this diversity, common features emerge: the gradual detachment from the countryside as a productive site; the intertwining of economic necessity with cultural aspirations, especially among youth drawn to urban life; and the concentration of migratory flows into Athens, which emerged as a disproportionately large and socially uneven metropolis. Drawing on archival material, labour records and especially oral history interviews, the paper explores how young migrants carved out new roles as unskilled construction workers. Moreover, the migration of young people was linked to the seasonal rhythms of construction labour in the city, suggesting a new form of urban pluriactivity that paralleled older rural patterns, yet under different conditions. This occupation offered personal autonomy but also entailed social marginality and precarity. A novel crucial element in the lives of many of those migrant young workers was educational opportunities. A large number among them pursued educational advancement through evening secondary schools, signaling a pursuit of self-improvement beyond wage labour and reflecting shifting notions of selfhood and opportunity. Oral history proves crucial for tracing these intertwined shifts. It illuminates how decisions around migration were shaped not only by structural pressures but by changing relationships within families – families which themselves were undergoing historical transformation. These narratives reveal how young men navigated tensions between self-definition and external determination, but also how kinship roles, obligations and expectations were being renegotiated amid changing economic conditions. Migration did not simply sever ties to rural households; it reconfigured them. The paper moves beyond the model of “family strategies” to explore their fragmentation, recomposition and the new subjectivities they produced. Ultimately, internal migration was not only a response to socio-economic disruption, but a decisive axis of a wider transformation: of families, generations and the rural and urban landscapes themselves. By centering migrant voices and lived experiences, the paper contributes to understanding the making of Greece’s postwar working class as a deeply re

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 221

17. Labour Migration History

Comparative perspectives on Yugoslav and post Yugoslav labour migration

The working group aims to build an interdisciplinary network of scholars studying labour migration from a historical perspective. Although migration currently receives great attention in political and academic debates, it is often discussed as a humanitarian emergency, a social and a security problem, but very rarely as a labour (history) issue. Similarly, research sympathetic to the struggles of migrants tends to denounce the violation of human and civil rights experienced by migrants but very rarely refers to the ways in which migration management policies have historically contributed to the creation of unfree and precarious working conditions. Our network seeks to generate scholarly debate about the interconnectedness of labour and migration history and stresses the importance of labour to analyse change in migration patterns and policies across time and space. We are interested in both empirical and theoretical analysis, and in various types of labour migration, perspectives, chronological and regional foci.

We invite papers addressing labour migration history including (but not limited to) the following topics of interest:

Labour mobility in domestic, regional and transnational policies and patterns
Intra-bloc and East-South labour migration in the Cold War context
Labour migration beyond normative and methodological nationalism
Organised migration schemes (e.g. “Guestworkers”) in a comparative perspective
Labour precarity and coercion in historical perspective
Entanglements between forced and voluntary migration
Methodological considerations and innovations in labour migration history
Historical shifts in intersections of gender, race, and class in migrant labour flows
The impact of migration in sending societies: Remittances and the financialization of migrants

ORGANIZERS

Bernard, Sara
sara.bernard@glasgow.ac.uk
University of Glasgow
Women migrants and labour in postwar Europe in comparative perspective: France and Germany

Authors:

Le Normand, Brigitte
Maastricht University
b.lenormand@maastrichtuniversity.nl
Migration scholars have claimed that the 1980s witnessed an unprecedented feminization of labour migration, characterized by women from the Global South taking on ill-paid jobs in the service sector in Western countries. Claims about the novelty of structural feminized migrant labour are based on a lack of scholarship on women and work in the earlier large-scale wave of migration from southern Europe and Turkey to northwestern Europe after the Second World War in the context of the guest worker programs, with the exception of a few case studies. Yet, if we are to understand the continuities and divergences between this earlier period and contemporary feminized migration we need to gain a broader picture of opportunities and constraints that shaped women’s migration to Northwestern Europe in the 1950s and 1960s and their incorporation into the economies of northwestern Europe. The ERC project FeMMiWork seeks to rectify this lacuna by comparing the trajectories of women from the Norther Mediterranean to northwestern Europe during this period. France and Germany were selected as destination states due to the large scale of migration, and the possibility of comparing groups of migrants from similar states of origin. The first objective of the project is, a) to get a comprehensive understanding of the policies concerning migration and labour, and other relevant domains, that had an impact on women’s choice to migrate to Northwestern Europe and to engage in paid work, and on their ensuing trajectories. And, b) to collect and analyze data available in archival sources and grey literature about migrant women at work. By comparing the situation in France and Germany, this paper will take a first step in establishing the scope of women’s migration and their involvement in the economies of France and Germany, and the structural opportunities and constraints that shaped migration and impacted women’s choices and life trajectories.
Beyond the distinction between political and economic migration: the recruitment of Yugoslavs in France, 1950s–1980s

Authors:

Ronsin, Juliette
EHESS
juliette.ronsin1@gmail.com
In 1965, France was the first country with which Yugoslavia signed an agreement on January 25, 1965, concerning the employment of migrant workers. Yugoslav immigration was more significant in the industrial cities of eastern France, such as Sochaux, where the company Peugeot primarily recruited Yugoslavs during part of the 1970s. Following this agreement, recruitment in Yugoslavia was supervised by the National Immigration Office (ONI), which set up offices in Belgrade, as well as in Morocco during the same period, and recruited for the Peugeot site in Sochaux. Relations between Peugeot and the Yugoslav authorities took the form of diplomatic visits to Sochaux. A militant and trade union movement developed around the living conditions of workers in France, but also around the control of their political activities. In the 1980s, against the backdrop of a crisis in the automotive sector, the placement of labor was oriented toward a policy of “return assistance” in the countries of emigration, with bonuses offered by France and then by the Peugeot company. What is the impact of bilateral agreements on control and social protection mechanisms from the local to the transnational level? My presentation will focus on the period from the 1950s to the 1980s, which saw a combination of migration at the end of the Second World War via the International Organization for Refugees (IRO) and labor migration in the 1960s, in order to measure the consequences of the bilateral agreement. My presentation will be based on a quantitative survey of individual trajectories, cross-referencing company files from the prefecture with files compiled by the Office for the Protection of Refugees and Stateless Persons (OFPRA) in the case of refugees and asylum seekers. French trade union archives were studied in parallel with those of the Union of Yugoslav Trade Unions from the funds of the Socialist Union of Workers of Yugoslavia (SSRNJ). I also conducted interviews with former workers from different generations.
Same Story, New Frames? Media Discourses on Labour Migration from Bosnia and Herzegovina, 1960-1989 vs. 2013-2025

Authors:

Vukojević, Bojana
University of Banja Luka
bojana.vukojevic@fpn.unibl.org
This paper examines continuities and shifts in media representations of labour migration from Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) across two historical periods. Drawing on recent historiography, we reconstruct dominant socialist-era media frames in BiH within the Yugoslav context (covering the period 1960–1989), such as managed temporariness and planned return, and development through remittances, as reflected in press coverage and state-mediated narratives. We then present an original content analysis of online media in post-socialist BiH (2013–2025), coding frames such as “brain drain”, demographic collapse, governance failure, and sensationalist portrayals. The comparison highlights both persistence and change: moral economies of mobility and the emphasis on family and community effects remain central, but the underlying institutional logics differ. Migration in the earlier period was framed within state-organized circularity and developmental planning, while in the post-socialist era it appears as individualized exit shaped by weak institutions and policy gaps. The analysis clarifies how media stabilize common-sense ideas of leaving, belonging, and responsibility across eras, while also drawing attention to the policy regimes and institutions underpinning these discourses.

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 206

15. Labour and Empire

Forced labor on the move: mobility and coercion in colonial labor regime transitions

Chair: Elise van Nederveen Meerkerk

Transitions to free labour and the continuities of coercion in empire.

ORGANIZERS

Nicki Kindersley
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
Cardiff University
Coerced Labour Transitions in Post-Independence South America

Authors:

Gomez-Pernia, Alejandro
Sorbonne-Nouvelle
alejandro.gomez@sorbonne-nouvelle.fr
In the 1830s, several South American countries experienced major setbacks in the transition from slavery to free citizenship, despite gradual abolitionist measures such as free-womb laws enacted by earlier revolutionary governments. Conservative agrarian elites actively resisted these reforms—delaying their implementation, reshaping legal frameworks, and criminalising manumitted slaves as vagrants. In some cases, they even succeeded in briefly reviving the inter-American slave trade. Those elites and their political allies justified the continued use of coerced labour by appealing to the need for cheap labour to support post-independence economic recovery, at times drawing directly on arguments from U.S. pro-slavery thinkers. This rhetoric aligned with a broader neocolonial vision centred on raw material export and the consolidation of industrial capitalism. At the same time, emerging positivist and bio-racial theories undermined the civic ideals of earlier abolitionist legislation. These ideologies redefined popular sectors—particularly those of African, Indigenous, or mixed descent—as racially or culturally inferior, legitimising their exploitation through systems such as enganche and peonaje. They also served to justify the introduction of indentured labourers, including Chinese and Polynesian workers. This paper presents the first outline of a larger research project examining the persistence and transformation of servile labour regimes during and after the gradual abolition of slavery in Hispanic America. Focusing on the cases of Peru, Venezuela, and New Granada, it explores how regional elites framed, legitimised, and adapted coerced labour practices despite the egalitarian principles proclaimed by the post-independence republican regimes. These dynamics are analysed within both regional and global contexts.
Coerced labour and imperial connections in early colonial Fiji

Authors:

Rodd, Adrien
University of Versailles
adrien.rodd@uvsq.fr
Coerced colonial labour in Fiji took two successive forms. In the second half of the nineteenth century, Australian, European, North American and South American ship crews coerced Pacific Islanders, by trickery or by force, into coming aboard ship, whereupon they were treated with extraordinary brutality and taken to work on plantations in Queensland (Australia) or Fiji, or to slave mines in South America. In Fiji this occurred in the late pre-colonial era of the late 1960s and early 1970s, when the small number of newly established Australian, European and North American settlers sought cheap labour for their cotton plantations. In some cases, indigenous Fijians were also coerced by their own bribed chiefs to work for plantation owners, or enslaved by rival clans and sold to planters.This practice, known as “blackbirding” and recognised in Britain as a new form of slavery, was outlawed on British ships by the Pacific Islanders Protection Act 1872, though the latter was difficult to enforce. Two years later, Fiji was annexed to the British Empire. The new colonial government forbade the enslavement of indigenous Fijians by other indigenous Fijians (and its fuelling of a domestic trade to the plantations), forbade chiefs from selling their people’s labour to planters, and sought to regulate the (already dwindling) introduction of foreign Pacific Island labour to Fiji. Faced however with London’s instruction he was to make the new colony self-financing, Governor Arthur Gordon introduced indentured Indian labour to Fiji, to work mainly on sugar plantations. Indenture in Fiji, known to the labourers as girmit, lasted from 1879 to 1920 and was characterised by dehumanising brutality, abuse and widespread despair. With workers having no right to withdraw from their contractual ‘agreement’, no matter what they were made to endure, this was very much coerced labour.This paper will explore the following interconnected questions. Was indentured Indian labour in Fiji akin to the broader practice of Indian indenture throughout the British Empire, or was it in any way particular, and if so why? Did the young labour / Labour movement in Britain in the early twentieth century, while seeking to empower the workers of Britain, take any interest in indenture in this and other colonies, and to what effect (if any)? And to what extent was the abolition of indenture in Fiji the product of broader imperial issues and dynamics rather than the result of domestic (Fijian) concerns?
Colonial Fields of Precarity: Hawai’i and The Mobility of Puerto Rican Sugar Workers in the U.S. Empire, 1899–1904

Authors:

García Colón, Ismael
CUNY
ismael.garcia@csi.cuny.edu
This paper examines the recruitment, transportation, and labor experiences of Puerto Rican sugar workers mobilized by the Hawai'i Sugar Planters’ Association (HSPA) in the early years of U.S. empire (1899 to 1904). In the wake of the U.S. invasion of Puerto Rico in 1898, Puerto Rican workers, having rebelled against the landed Spanish elite and embraced promises of U.S. democratic ideals, found themselves inserted into new imperial fields of labor. In 1899, a devastating hurricane struck Puerto Rico, leading to widespread starvation and deepening existing conditions of dispossession and precarity among agricultural workers, which enticed them to migrate. These conditions made migration an increasingly attractive option. The HSPA, with the support of the U.S. colonial administration in Puerto Rico, began recruiting Puerto Rican workers to replace increasingly restricted Japanese and Chinese workers. In 1900, around 5,000 Puerto Ricans, including families, were transported under false promises into highly coercive plantation regimes in Hawai'i.Drawing on a multi-scalar analysis, this paper argues that the U.S. empire constructed a field of power that enabled the flexible mobilization of racialized labor across its territories under the guise of freedom and opportunity. However, Puerto Rican workers' expectations, shaped by local struggles, debt resistance, and the recent colonial transition, clashed with the racialized, carceral conditions in Hawai’i’s plantations. Workers began resisting even during their transoceanic journey, highlighting early forms of mobile dissent.By situating this case within broader debates on accumulation by dispossession, colonial precarity, human trafficking, contract labor, empire, and agricultural labor regimes, the paper explores how the entanglement of liberal capitalist ideals and coercive colonial practices 'precarized' labor at multiple levels. It contributes to discussions on how U.S. imperial structures reconfigured divisions of labor, racial hierarchies, and the production of unfree labor within a global capitalist framework.
„[...] for a Railway may be as a little kingdom.“ Labor Hierarchies and the Changing Factory Regime of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway

Authors:

Rosenberg, Lukas
Georg August University of Göttingen
lukas.rosenberg@stud.uni-goettingen.de
This paper investigates the development of the finely tuned colonial labor hierarchy inside the Great Indian Peninsula Railway (GIPR) workshops at Parel (today part of Mumbai) between 1879 and the 1930s. The GIPR was one of two pioneering railway companies in British-India and opened the first railway line on the subcontinent in 1853. By the 1870s it operated a vast railway network in what today is Western India. Over time it grew to one of the largest employers of industrial labor, especially around its workshops at Parel. Thus, the labor force arrangements of the company had a significant impact on the history of the industrial labor force of Western South Asia. Workers of the company were categorized according to race, caste, skill and wage. This meticulously maintained stratification could be felt in virtually all aspects of company life. Despite its significance this has not resulted in profound studies of the company and its labor force. My paper will address this research gap.It will be argued that the stratification was a vital tool for the company’s management to maintain stable labor relations, which allowed for the continuous maintenance necessary to run traffic. The stratification will be explored through the lenses of spatial segregation, the wage differential, company paternalism and its consequences for the outcome of industrial struggles. The investigation is based on considerable archival research in India and the United Kingdom, which I conducted for my ongoing PhD project.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 219

19. Economic and Industrial Democracy

From Self-Management to the Managed Self: Autonomy and Ideology in Late-20th-Century France, Yugoslavia & California

Chair: Aurélie Andry

Since at least the end of the 18th century, social reformers, labor leaders, organized workers, and political movements have promoted democratic control of the workplace, industry, and economic life as a crucial precondition not only for social justice and material security but also for political democracy more generally. In so doing, they have highlighted that when workers and employees lack effective voice at work and control over the labor process, their political participation and formal political equality is seriously curtailed more broadly. Indeed, many have argued that political democracy will fail to materialize or, where it existed, soon experience ‘backsliding’ should democratic rights over work, industry, and the economy be withheld or decline. Against this backdrop, intellectuals, political and trade union actors, and social movements proposed a wide range of theories as well as practical measures that underlined the participation of employees and labor in decision-making as a prerequisite for the sustainability of democratic rule. In light of the current attacks on democratic institutions, we believe that now is the time to re-think what role the improvement and expansion of employee participation in industrial and economic decision-making might play in the fight for the future of our democracies.
Today, growing fears of democratic erosion in the political sphere happen to follow on the heels of a general decline of economic democracy over the last decades. For this reason, we want to explore the role that ‘democracy’ has played in the thinking, organizing, and lived experiences of past and present-day individuals and movements pushing for greater control over individual workplaces, whole industries, and entire economies. Instead of concentrating on how workplace democracy has impacted economic performance, productivity, and employee satisfaction–the focus of much previous research–we want to go to the heart of our subject and ask: whether, how, and why democracy at work strengthens and improves democracy in a variety of other social spheres, from families and civic organizations to local communities, the nation state and the international arena? For this purpose, we are proposing a series of panels that go beyond the historical gaze of our working group’s previous activities.

Panel 5: From Self-Management to the Managed Self: Autonomy and Ideology in Late-20th-Century France, Yugoslavia & California

ORGANIZERS

Aurélie Andry
aurelie.andry@eui.eu
University of Bochum
Philipp Reick
philipp.reick@tu-berlin.de
TU Berlin
Philipp Urban
philipp.urban@ruhr-uni-bochum.de
Ruhr University Bochum
Democratic participation versus economic democracy?

Authors:

Karel Yon
IDHES and Paris-Nanterre University
karel.yon@cnrs.fr
The rise of the idea of self-management in the 1960s and the 1970s was a decisive factor in the legitimization of efforts to democratize work and the economy. The political history of this moment is now well documented, from its diverse sources at the crossroads of Marxist, Christian and libertarian doctrines to its circulation within various social and political left-wing networks. My proposal intends to explore the possibility of another history of self-management: not a political history of the democratization of work, but a social or cultural history of business management techniques. I will defend this perspective using a case study, that of the Deffrenne textile factory. After the owner filed for bankruptcy in 1976, this weaving company located in the North of France was occupied for 18 months by workers. The hundred or so occupiers, with the support of the CFDT textile union and outside managers who were members of a club named “Socialisme et Entreprise”, relaunched the company in 1978, claiming to be ‘inspired by self-management’. By paying attention to the social properties and the inextricably political and professional project of the managers who raised capital and drove the company's relaunch under the name of “SA Dampierre”, self-management is no longer understood solely in terms of strategic debates on the ways towards socialism. It also appears as a motive mobilized by managers at the intersection of the economic and academic fields, and eager to convert enlightened sections of the employer class to participatory management. By paying attention to the conflicts taking place within the company, I will show that the promotion of participation by “self-management managers” is less a policy of democratizing the economy than a policy of consent to the despotism of the capitalist market.
Democratising the Economy and the Workplace in an Authoritarian Regime? Worker’s Participation in Yugoslav Self-management (mid-1970s-1980s)

Authors:

Melvin Bernard
EHESS, Paris and University Lyon 3
melvin.bernard@ehess.fr
While in the Western world, political democracy is often considered a condition that preceded economic democratization, the study of the Yugoslav case is the occasion to give different insights on the subject. In the mid-1970s, Yugoslav authorities implemented a new Constitution and laws on labour which aimed to achieve the “socialist self-managed democracy” by radically increasing workers’ control over their companies and over the local economy. These attempts to reform socialism never questioned the Leninist conception of the Party, which kept control over every state institution until the fall of Yugoslav socialism. Characterized by a mistrust toward representative democracy and a refusal of multiple parties, Yugoslavia was thus an authoritarian regime that yet pretended to implement industrial and economic democracy. This claim was not completely an illusion. Despite the limits imposed by the Party, the decision-makers in the companies were still elected. Compulsory referendums were held every year for major decisions, which was not a mere formality, as cases of workers’ veto existed. Finally, the local economy and a part of the municipal power were in the hands of delegates who were elected in their companies and official representatives of their colleagues. However, even if self-management reforms had real consequences on workers’ participation, the idea of a process of democratization can be questioned. This presentation will also elaborate on the persistence of political control and on the clientelist relations induced by the Yugoslav system, as well as on the difficulties imposed by the project of economic democracy without political democracy. For my presentation, I will analyse the general framework of Yugoslavia, but will also focus on two local case studies of companies in two smaller municipalities: the main textile combinate of former Yugoslavia in Novi Pazar (Serbia) and a major agro-industrial firm in Bjelovar (Croatia).
FROM SOCIALIST SELF MANAGEMENT TO NEOLIBERAL TRANSITION: RETHINKING THE LEGACY OF ECONOMIC DEMOCRACY IN THE WESTERN BALKANS

Authors:

Hristina Runcheva Tasev
University in Skopje
runceva@gmail.com
The Yugoslav model of workers’ self-management (samoupravuvanje) has long been presented—both by its architects and critics—as a unique experiment in economic democracy. Framed as a pathway to worker empowerment and social ownership, the system institutionalized participation through workers’ councils and decentralized decision-making. However, beneath this formal structure, workers were often subordinated to the ideological and managerial priorities of socialist elites. Participation was real, but limited—more performative than transformative. This paper critically examines the disintegration of self-management in Macedonia during the 1990s and the transition to market capitalism, not as a sudden loss of economic democracy, but as a reconfiguration of participation itself. Rather than a linear decline, the post-socialist transformation brought new modes of worker engagement—more individualized, constrained by market logic, and embedded in technocratic or managerial frameworks. At the same time, it generated disillusionment, a loss of enthusiasm, and deep ambivalence about the very notion of collective control. Through institutional analysis and a review of socio-political discourse in North Macedonia, the paper explores how the memory of self-management remains ambivalent—neither fully celebrated nor wholly rejected—and how this legacy shapes contemporary attitudes toward economic and political participation. It argues that understanding this ambivalence is key to assessing the possibilities and limits of democratic renewal today. By situating the Yugoslav and post-Yugoslav experience within broader debates on economic democracy, the paper questions dominant binaries of “socialist participation” vs. “neoliberal erosion” and calls for a more nuanced view of how workplace participation is practiced, remembered, and reimagined in transitional societies.
"Cubicle, Sweet Cubicle: Silicon Valley Labor Feminisms from the Second Wave to the 2010s"

Authors:

Jeannette Estruth
Santa Clara University, California
jeannetteestruth@gmail.com
In the early 1970s, the state of California held a summit in Silicon Valley hosting the Commission on the Status of Women. Policy prescriptions suggested by interviewees and specialists included universal childcare, job training programs for older women, protections for part- time work, adequate maternity leave, and a redefinition of years of housework and childrearing as counting toward seniority in the paid workplace. Shortly thereafter, due to the density of female elected representatives on city councils, boards, and mayoralities, the National Women's Political Caucus, a national women's rights organization, named Silicon Valley the "Feminist Capitol of the Nation."But by the early 2010s, the centrist political consensus about American women's labor in the workplace coalesced around a Facebook executive's exhortation that women simply "lean in" to their careers, and work harder at them. What had happened? Where did the socialist feminism go? This paper takes the geographical unit of the Silicon Valley, and the space and time of the 1970s and 1980s, to ask: why did second-wave American feminism map on to post-industrial and technology workplaces so seamlessly? What did the proliferation of employee stock options, "shareholder democracy," and "equity compensation" do to unionized democratic participation of women in the technology workplace? What was specific to Silicon Valley's labor processes or political frameworks that made this so, and that was particularly effective at popularizing and standing in for this ideal? How did Silicon Valley's feminism change over the 1970s? How were possibilities for solidarity, workplace organizing, and labor militarny undermined by the explosion of the technology economy in the 1970s and 1980s in California?Building on years of archival research in local archives, papers of elected officials, state documents, and oral histories in both California and Washington, D.C., this paper seeks to answer larger questions about labor, feminism, the technology economy, and democracy.

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 208

9. Maritime Labour History

Maritime Culture, Medicine and Emotions

Chair: Stryker, Julia Connell

j.connellstryker@gmail.com

Memorial University of Newfoundland

This session examines the intersections of maritime labour, medicine, material culture, and the emotional lives of seafarers, passengers, and migrants in the age of sail and steam. Drawing on the underexplored records of the British merchant marine—particularly logbooks and death inventories—it foregrounds the ways in which health, illness, and mortality were experienced, treated, and documented at sea. These sources, produced within the rigid bureaucratic frameworks of nineteenth- and twentieth-century maritime law, nonetheless preserve fragments of lived experience: of physical suffering, precarious remedies, personal belongings, and the emotions they evoked.

The panel consider the spectrum of care, neglect, and improvisation that defined maritime medicine, as well as the affective weight of death, loss, and remembrance at sea. By linking histories of medicine with material culture and the emotional dimensions of maritime work, the panel underscores how seafaring was not only a technical and economic enterprise but also a profoundly human experience marked by risk, resilience, and the fragile traces of ordinary lives. In doing so, it situates the maritime archive as a uniquely rich site for reconstructing the health, cultures, and emotions of labourers who operated within—and often on the margins of—the global economy.

ORGANIZERS

Stryker, Julia Connell
j.connellstryker@gmail.com
Memorial University of Newfoundland
Page Campos, Eduard
eduardpage@ub.edu
Universitat de Barcelona
Vasilaki, Kalliopi
kk.vasilaki@gmail.com
Università degli studi di Genova
“The Sea Will Insult and Murder Him”: Mental Health and Merchant Seafarers, 1860-1900

Authors:

Barron, Kai
Memorial University of Newfoundland
kayceeb@mun.ca
Seafaring was a perilous career and conditions aboard – even for passengers – on occasion famously bad, and yet, in 1867, a man named J. McAlister fell ill on the master of the merchant vessel Birdie, with his health rapidly declining: “John McAlister still growing worse with violent pains in his head and delirium, kept cloth on temple constantly wet and gave him appropriate medicines.” This treatment did him no good; after four days, an entry explains that J. McAlister purposefully jumped overboard during the night. Histories of mental illness and mental health are infamously difficult to access outside of clinical or institutional sources. The supplement of interior perspectives offered in personal papers or diaries frequently also skew studies towards upper- and middle-class individuals. An almost untapped resource for the study of mental health and medical treatments, Official Log Books kept aboard ships of the British merchant marine provide startling insight into mental health, wellness, and treatment for labourers, migrants, and especially seafarers. Perspectives on and treatments of mental health have vastly changed over time, but underwent especially dramatic shifts from the second half of the nineteenth into the twentieth centuries. The nature of their engagement in the workforce makes seafarers’ mental health particularly visible, as the legal requirements of their engagement meant that poor mental health could result in punitive measures like docking of pay, confinement in the workplace, or even discharge. Mental health thus becomes a matter of discipline, as much as a social or ethical concern for the relatively paternalistic and closed society aboard ship. Further, examples of mental illness at sea demonstrate the effect of the harsh conditions and risks faced by seafarers, the spectrum of attitudes and beliefs surrounding mental health, and how these (and resources available) shaped treatment. Restricted by the conditions of their labour, the environment of the ship, and the many other contingencies of life at sea, the Log Books present a compelling picture of everyday attitudes towards and approaches to mental health by and for the labouring classes.
“As Directed by the Medical Book”: The practice of maritime medicine aboard merchant vessels, 1850-1900

Authors:

Christie, Heather
Memorial University of Newfoundland
j.connellstryker@gmail.com
The same year, three responses to sickness and death, following three wildly different logics: During an 1873 voyage from Liverpool to Louisiana, yellow fever broke out on board the merchant vessel Hampton Court, killing four people. As additional cases would be both costly and deadly, after their deaths, their bedding and clothing were thrown overboard to prevent further spread of infection. In 1873, on the vessel Marion, a seaman woke up one morning complaining of sudden loss of eyesight. Facing such a rare occurrence, James D. Taylor, master, chose to apply a mustard plaster to the back of his neck. Mustard plasters were a trusted and widespread treatment at the time, but for colds, congestion, aches and pains; use of them for sudden onset blindness likely reflected the limited treatment options available at sea. Finally, imagine you are travelling from London to China in 1873. During the last month of the voyage, you begin to suffer from internal pain possibly tied to consumption. Over the next four days, you are treated first with castor oil, then a mustard and parsley mixture, and, when no sign of recovery on the horizon, eventually William Harding, first mate, injects you with soap and water. After two days of misery, you die, cause of death recorded as ‘suffering from intolerant pain’. These cases, recorded in Crew Agreements and Logbooks of British merchant vessels, demonstrate the wide variety of responses to illness, accident, and injury found in the constrained environment of ships at sea, and the vastly different motivations behind medical treatment for passengers and seafarers. Shipboard medicine in the 19th century was far from standardized, especially in the merchant marine, where regulation only imperfectly demanded competent care be available. Naval vessels and emigrant ships, where the obligation to carry a surgeon better ensured reliable records and, to some degree, expertise, have been the focus of most studies of maritime medicine. By recording treatment on regular merchant vessels, the Official Logbooks provide insight into health and medicine as understood vernacularly and applied practically in the latter half of the nineteenth century. This talk will explore how maritime medicine was practiced and understood. Ultimately, the effectiveness of medical treatment varied due to the practical constraints of life at sea and the materials available on board, but the obligation to record some form of treatment often outweighed the desire for a positive outcome.
The Stuff of Life: Death Inventories in Log Books and the study of Material Culture, Medicine, and Labour at Sea

Authors:

Stryker, Julia Connell
Memorial University of Newfoundland
j.connellstryker@gmail.com
Sometimes the lists are long – sometimes events, treatments, reports are dragged out over days of entries – but sometimes they are painfully brief: In October 1856, aboard the Benin, returning from Africa towards York, “Francis Mariana, Seaman, died from mortification in the hand. He was buried in what effects he had.” Mariana, 22, from Manilla, had escaped the fever and scurvy that killed several of his shipmates, but where their effects were listed, results of the sales of items gathered to send back to their families, all that Mariana had went with him. The tradition of selling the effects of crewmembers who died during voyage predates the legal requirement that saw inventories of effects – death inventories – formalized as required entries in ship’s Official Logs. These Logs, part of the paperwork system developed during the wholesale reworking of British maritime law in the 1850s, were returned to the government at the end of each voyage of ships of the British merchant marine. Unlike a navigational or ship’s log, the Official Log recorded only such events as the Registrar-General of Shipping and Seamen perceived as legally required by act of Parliament, but between the individual officers, the consuls, the seafarers, and the administrators, what ended up in the Official Log could run from the minimalist to shockingly detailed – all of it informative of differing aspects of life at sea. This included innumerable lists of effects of officers, crew, and sometimes passengers who died aboard ship. The inventories describe an exceedingly rare cohort of individuals of extremely variable social and economic standing, nationality, and life stages making the breadth and variety of material recorded and biographical connections drawn through them uniquely capacious and detailed. Funded by the Institute of Social and Economic Research of Memorial University, the project that is the focus of this panel, “Inventories of Life: Material Culture and Life, Death, and Medicine at Sea”, examines the death inventories of seafarers and passengers recorded in the Crew Agreements and Log Books collection at the Maritime History Archives. Covering a period of roughly 1850 to 1950, these records are severely underutilized windows into the emotional and material worlds of migrants and labourers from across the globe. This presentation will introduce the project and the documents it is based on, including the way the project is connecting with local museum collections and other reservoirs of relevant artefacts to study material culture at sea.
What Lost Sailors Left Behind

Authors:

Bailey, Alexa
Memorial University of Newfoundland
abailey_20@outlook.com
Our clothing and possessions are significant parts of our individual identities and cultures; while access to consumer goods and attitudes towards consumption have evolved these markers of self were also important to people of the past. Death inventories recorded in Official Logs of British merchant vessels provide a glimpse into the everyday lives of labourers, officers, and others who perished at sea. These inventories do not uniformly identify brands, materials, or colours, some of the most telling markers to the modern eye, but they do strongly signify differences in class, gender, and ethnicity. This presentation will discuss death inventories recorded in Official Logs, documents created to track events of legal and administrative interest aboard merchant vessels beginning in the 1850s. Based partially in traditional practices of seafaring, recording inventories became a legal requirement that lasted well into the 20th century which creating a unique and durable record of the possessions carried and used by labourers and migrants at mid-life. Covering half a century, this presentation explores inventories of citizens from the British imperial periphery and of those of non-European origins in the years before the First World War, interwar period, and through the early 1950s. These records provide an opportunity to explore the material culture of sea farers from the British imperial sphere and of non-European origin; a topic that is almost entirely unexplored. Investigating the material culture preserved in these documents allows exploration of migration, mobility, and diasporas of maritime workers, as well as ethnicity and race in maritime labour and passengers. These inventories offer rare insight into the lived experiences and socioeconomic conditions of sailors otherwise absent from the archival record. The types and amount of material culture found in these in inventories reveal that as global trade expanded and the cost of mass-produced consumer goods fell throughout the early 20th century, the meaning of material goods and consumption habits shifted despite continuing economic precarity. This project explores the comparison between sailors from the British imperial sphere and of non-European origins, which highlights not just differences in individuality and culture, but what good seafarers had access to depending on where they resided during different periods of the 20th Century.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 220

2. European Trade Unionism

European and International Trade Unionism: from the 1970s to nowadays

Chair: Sigfrido Ramírez Pérez

sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu

MMC-Université libre de Bruxelles

Discussants:

Frederic Heurtebize

This session deals with cases in which European and African trade unionism have self-organised in periods of turmoil under the shadow of he Cold War and Dictatorships. It takes in particular in which way supranational organisations like the European Trade Union Confederation and pan-African trade unionism were seen by these national trade unions as key drivers for the autonomisation of trade unions from state-dominance.

ORGANIZERS

Claude Roccati
claude.roccati@orange.fr
Centre d’histoire sociale des mondes contemporains, Paris I Sorbonne
From Factory Unionism to “Social Europe”: Greek and Spanish Trade Unionism in the Democratic Transitions and European Integration

Authors:

Maria Dimitriou
Ionian University, Greece
1423tm@gmail.com
The democratic transitions of Greece and Spain in the 1970s unfolded through intense class struggles in which the labour movement was both an actor and a catalyst of social change. In both countries, the fall of authoritarian regimes was accompanied by a powerful resurgence of workers’ militancy, expressed through strikes, factory occupations, and grassroots forms of unionism that challenged not only employers and the state but also the limits of established union bureaucracies. The post-dictatorship conjuncture opened a space for radical experiments inspired by the Italian consigli di fabbrica, where factory-based committees embodied demands for workers’ control, workplace democracy, and collective self-management. In Greece, the Metapolitefsi after 1974 saw the rise of militant factory unions and sectoral struggles, often politicized by left-wing students and activists returning from exile or studies abroad. These actors imported experiences from the 1968 movements, debates on workers’ autonomy, and international solidarity practices, embedding Greek labour militancy in a wider European context. In Spain, clandestine workers’ commissions (CCOO) that had resisted the Franco regime emerged into legality alongside the UGT, with both unions playing a central role in forcing democratic recognition of trade union rights and collective bargaining. Here too, the influence of exiled militants and transnational solidarity networks was decisive in shaping a militant and politicized workers’ movement. European integration presented a common challenge. Greece entered the EEC in 1981 and Spain in 1986, both carrying expectations of modernization but facing the reality of neoliberal restructuring, austerity, and the erosion of social rights. The integration of Greek and Spanish unions into the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) and sectoral federations reflected this contradiction: participation offered new channels for projecting the demands of Southern European workers, yet also imposed limits through the framework of “social dialogue” subordinated to capital. Greek and Spanish trade unionists nevertheless attempted to bring forward issues that reflected their peripherical condition: mass unemployment, precarious labour, migrant rights, and the defence of public services. Within the ETUC and the Workers’ Group of the European Economic and Social Committee (EESC), they articulated an alternative vision of “Social Europe,” grounded not in technocratic compromise but in class solidarity and resistance to neoliberal integration. Comparing the two cases highlights both commonalities and differences. Both movements shared a strong factory-based militancy and internationalist orientation, but their institutional trajectories diverged: in Greece, the GSEE acted as a central yet polarized confederation, while in Spain, the dual structure of CCOO and UGT reflected deeper political cleavages. Spanish unions mounted massive general strikes against the PSOE’s austerity policies in the 1980s, while Greek unions faced tighter state control and corporatist interventions. Yet both demonstrated that the European project was never a neutral process of unification but a contested terrain shaped by the struggles of workers in the South. This paper argues that the Greek and Spanish experiences show how “Social Europe” was not granted from above but fought for from below. By bringing grassroots militancy, internationalist perspectives, and radical democratic pra
The Politics of Worker Unity: State Corporatism, Labour Dissent, and the Ghana Trades Union Congress, 1957-1971

Authors:

Rubbin Clark Tawiah Danquah
University of Pavia
rubbinclarktaw.danquah01@universitadipavia.it
This paper examines the period from 1957 to 1971, during which the Ghana Trades Union Congress (GTUC) transitioned from a semi-autonomous federation into a centralised, corporatist organ of the state, and the resultant dynamics of the rank-and-file worker resistance. This project proposes a historical analysis of the relationship between the state, organised labour and the Ghana Trades Union Congress. By 1957, TUC was a vital cog for workers’ right and also integral to the Convention People’s Party led by Dr. Kwame Nkrumah. The state aggressively pursued policies and strategies capable of centralising labour representations into state structures in order to diffuse the autonomous nature of the fast-growing worker organisations. Key to this strategy was the Industrial Relations Act (IRA) of 1958 (and its 1965 amendment). The strict policy led to varied resistance such as strikes, protests and formation of rival labour movements. The study will use the qualitative historical narrative approach, consisting of secondary and primary sources, including archival materials, government reports, union correspondence, oral histories, and especially the Labour Department files. It aims to address key research objectives: to analyse the legislative mechanism within the IRA (1958, 1965) that destructed union democracy and consolidated power within the GTUC Secretariat, identify and map key patterns of rank-and-file dissent (including strikes, protests, boycotts and petition writing, and compare the nature of state control and repression under the Nkrumah and Busia regime. This paper contributes to scholarship on African labour history by demonstrating how trade unions in Ghana served as both agents of state consolidation and sites of dissent. In doing so it opens the debate on how postcolonial governments in Africa sought to manage organised labour while grappling with the imperatives of development, democracy and Cold War geopolitics.
Pan-African and African International Trade Unionism: Unity or Class Struggle?

Authors:

Stefano Bellucci
IISH Amsterdam & Leiden University
sbe@iisg.nl
This paper tries to rethink Pan-African trade unionism by situating it within the enduring tension between state-centric nationalism and class-based solidarity. From the late colonial period, African trade unions embodied the promise of workers’ emancipation and continental unity. However, as Tiyambe Zeleza (1986) shows, the early hopes of the All-African Trade Union Federation (AATUF) soon gave way to discord with the emergence of rival bodies such as the African Trade Union Confederation (ATUC) and later the Organisation of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU). These structures, while symbolising continental aspiration, often reflected the hegemony of post-colonial states rather than autonomous labour power. Rather than treating African unions as passive echoes of Cold War alignments, this paper stresses their agency in negotiating competing demands: protecting workers’ rights, aligning with nationalist projects, and engaging in international solidarities. The debate was very hot in the 1970s. Wogu Ananaba (1979) underscored how incorporation into corporatist state structures constrained union autonomy, limiting the transformative potential of Pan-African labour. Robin Cohen (1974) reminded that trade unions were also internally contested, shaped by struggles over ideology, leadership, and access to international resources. More recently, Bill Freund (2019) has argued that African labour movements must be analysed within the broader dynamics of global capitalism and neoliberal restructuring. Against this historical and theoretical backdrop, the creation of the International Trade Union Confederation Regional Organisation for Africa (ITUC-Africa) in 2007 signals a renewed attempt to unify diverse traditions of African trade unionism. How does ITUC-Africa, unlike earlier Pan-African federations, situate its project within global labour struggles while confronting informality, precarity, and the impacts of neoliberalism? In what ways does ITUC-Africa represent both continuity with earlier aspirations and a departure from statist and bureaucratic models of Pan-Africanism? This paper therefore attempts to advance the argument that genuine African labour unity requires reimagining Pan-Africanism as a class-based project rooted in autonomous and transnational worker solidarity. Only through such a shift can ITUC-Africa move beyond inherited contradictions and realise the emancipatory promise of Pan-African trade unionism in the twenty-first century.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 209

15. Labour and Empire

4. Feminist Labour History

Histories of Imperial Domesticity – Experiences of Domestic Workers in the British, Dutch and French Empires

Chair: Mònica Gines-Blasi

TBC.

ORGANIZERS

Nicki Kindersley
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
Cardiff University
“I have the honour to lodge a complaint against my boy” : Indochinese houseboys’ labor within colonial households, 1899-1930s

Authors:

Soubrier, Stéphanie
University of Geneva
stephanie.soubrier@unige.ch
This article is based on the analysis of court cases between European employers and their Indochinese boys, from 1899 to the late 1930s. Preserved at Center No. 1 of the National Archives of Vietnam, these records from local courts (courts of first instance and justice of the peace) shed light on the actual working conditions experienced by houseboys within European households in major Indochinese cities. Theft, fraud, breach of trust, and breach of contract: the offenses attributed to the boys implicitly reflect their particular working conditions within the intimate and familial setting of the colonial household—the constraints they faced and the high expectations of their employers, who were often colonists’ wives. By collecting testimonies from employers and their wives, houseboys, and witnesses, the judicial investigation offers a glimpse into the social history of these little-known and under-studied colonized domestic workers in the French context. The investigations also give voice to the boys, offering a rare glimpse into the words of the domestic workers themselves: unworthy accommodations (on the landing, in the garden, or under the employer’s staircase), low wages, harsh working conditions, and mistreatment are among their frequent grievances. As indispensable figures in the urban societies of colonial Indochina, houseboys also belonged to their own social, familial, and geographic worlds— realities that sometimes clashed with the perfect loyalty and constant availability expected of them by their employers. The control of this domestic labor force—crucial to the comfort of the colonists—was made a major concern by the colonial authorities, beginning with the decree of August 26, 1899, which established the terms of employment contracts between employers and Asian workers or servants, largely to the benefit of the former. Yet the judicial records also reveal how houseboys attempted to circumvent this legislation, and even to push back—by filing complaints against their employers in turn, and by forming associations to defend their rights during the 1920s and 1930s.
Care and Coercion. Patriarchy, (Forced) Labour and Caregiving in the Household in the Dutch Empire, c. 1750-Present

Authors:

van Nederveen Meerkerk, Elise
Utrecht University
e.j.v.vannederveenmeerkerk@uu.nl
Historically, women have borne the brunt of domestic and caregiving tasks, and (poor) people of colour more so than affluent white people. Because care and cleaning are generally low paid, or unremunerated, this sustains major gender and racial inequalities, both within societies and globally. This paper discusses the first results of a new research project, which studies the historical roots of such entangled inequalities. It analyses different degrees of coercion that play out at the level of the household in order to explain continuities and changes in the allocation of care and (paid) work in four regions within the (former) Dutch empire 1750–present, connecting the colonial and postcolonial periods. As case studies, it looks at the metropole, The Netherlands, and three of its (former) colonies: Suriname, Indonesia and South Africa.The project takes an intersectional political economy approach (Folbre, 2021), sensitive to gender, race/ethnicity, class and age, to study the intimate, but also often coercive relationships between household members, including living-in enslaved and servants. By using a wide variety of sources and qualitative as well as quantitative comparative methods, the project exposes micro- level power mechanisms affecting allocations of paid and unpaid domestic and caregiving labour and explains how and why these changed over the long term. It makes innovative empirical and theoretical contributions to the fields of New History of Slavery, by integrating gender and the household into analyses of forced labour, and to Gender Studies, by including the study of degrees of coercion.
Spaces of Autonomy, Spaces of Control: The Making of the Ayahs’ Home in Imperial London

Authors:

Haskins, Victoria K.
University of Newcastle, Australia
victoria.haskins@newcastle.edu.au
This paper traces the early history of the Ayahs’ Home in London, an institution established for South Asian nursemaids and nannies engaged by colonial families travelling between Britain and India. The Home at Hackney in East London, run by the London City Mission between 1900 and 1941, has captured the attention of historians and the public alike. Researchers highlight the Home’s dual role as sanctuary for stranded ayahs and a mechanism for control, debating the ayahs’ agency and vulnerability at a site maintained by missionary and state authorities. However, the Hackney Home’s nineteenth century predecessor, a private establishment located in the marginal enclaves of the poorer women of the city, is rather cast in shadow. Through the figure of its proprietor Amina Hanson, an East End sailor’s wife of mixed heritage who transformed a slum boarding house into a brokering hub for imperial domestic workers, I consider how a marginalised but ambitious working-class woman shaped the emergence of this unique and hybrid space on the fringes of the imperial metropole.This shrouded history reveals that the Home did not emerge as a coherent imperial project imposed on from above, but rather, took shape over decades on the metropolitan margins of Empire – a contested, fragile space brought into being through the precarious, mobile reproductive labour of Amina Hanson and her clientele, the travelling ayahs. Amina energetically pursued an entrepreneurial vision for the Home that would provide both the travelling ayahs and herself with autonomy and security. Eventually, her dogged pursuit of legitimacy and financial stability invited the attention of missionaries and philanthropic authorities. With the Home redefined as a space of moral control and emblem of empire, however, Amina would be cast out onto the streets, from the very institution she had worked to establish on her own terms.The marginal and micro nature of this history obliges the historian to work with scattered archival traces, suggestive rather than definitive, in piecing together Amina’s trajectory and the home for the intrepid South Asian careworkers that she envisioned. In attending to these fragmentary records, the paper also reflects upon the methodological challenges of recovering marginalised women’s historical agency, without over-statement or romanticisation.By centring a working-class woman as a historical actor in the imperial metropole, this study contributes to larger debates on gender, empire, and domestic labour. Feminist imperial histories have dissected the roles of white middle-class and elite women in sustaining and contesting imperial structures; but the lives of women more ambiguously positioned vis-à-vis both colonised women and colonial authority, and with voices less accessible to the present, remain under-examined. Amina Hanson’s story invites a reconsideration of how imperial institutions were actively shaped by those who, living and working at the margins, sought to manipulate and sometimes resist these structures. Amina, in the end, could not surmount the obstacles she faced, but her disgrace powerfully exposes the brittleness of the possibilities Empire offered to those women who lived on its threshold.
Deposits and Redemption: The British East India Company and the Managing of Traveling Ayahs (1790s-1850s)

Authors:

Banerjee, Swapna M.
Brooklyn College & CUNY
banerjee@brooklyn.cuny.edu
This paper is part of a collaborative research project supported by the Australian Research Council Discovery Grant titled ‘Ayahs and Amahs: Transcolonial Servants in Australia and Britain 1780-1945’ (2020-2022) that focuses on female domestic care workers from India and China who travelled alongside employer families during the period of British colonialism. (https://ayahsandamahs.com/)Modern European empires claimed their legitimacy on the basis of the rule of law and benevolence, firmly secured on principles of “colonial difference” (Chatterjee, 1993; Guha, 1998; Stoler and Cooper, 1997; Hall, 2007). This rule of difference was particularly striking in the relationship between white British employers and their native Indian servants, a relationship complicated by class, gender, racial, and religious hierarchies. A large retinue of domestic workers assisted the British in running their households in India from their early years as a mercantile community through their assumption of power as colonial masters (Banerjee, 2004; Dussart, 2022). More importantly, the ayahs—the native female caregivers—provided all kinds of domestic and sometimes sexual services to sustain the family lives of the East India Company officials posted in the colonies. The British mistresses or memsahibs (as they were called), who accompanied their partners to the distant land of India, depended heavily on the labor and care of Indian ayahs to bring up their children. My paper will focus on the travelling ayahs from India who went with their employers back home to England, Africa, or Australia.As the British East India Company gained its foothold in India in the 1750s-60s, the British Parliament also engaged in the management of the far-flung empire. In 1769, the British Parliament instituted a system of bond that called for a deposit by the employers for their Indian servants, male or female, travelling to Britain. The bonds ensured control over the travelling domestics and secured their return to India (Fischer, 2004). The system continued until the 1850s, when power was transferred to the British Crown. Proceedings in the colonial archives located at various administrative units record the redemption of those bonds and list the names of the employers, the accompanying ayahs, the amount of the deposits, the Managing Agency Companies involved, and other attendant details.My paper, by examining the proceedings from 1790s through 1850s, draws attention to the extraordinary mobility of these women caregivers and their role in social reproduction in the maintenance of the British empire. The paper will identity the local travelling ayahs with their names, demographic and religious backgrounds and interrogate the global process by which they entered official colonial records. The goal is to underscore the mobile and transcolonial nature of imperial domesticities that relied heavily on the care work of the ayahs. Furthermore, an attention to the managing and redemption of security deposits will reveal the tension and anxiety surrounding transportation and management of servants who travelled with their British employers.

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 204

2. European Trade Unionism

Spanish Trade Unions and European Integration (1973-2003): Roundtable

Chair: Sigfrido Ramírez Pérez

sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu

MMC-Université libre de Bruxelles

Discussants:

Carlos Sanz Díaz

This round-table follows a previous panel of three papers and is composed of three major trade unionists who were protagonists of the relationship of European trade unions with European construction and will allow to confronting memory and history of Spanish and European trade unionism in a critical manner, following the conclusions of the panel made of members of the Spanish research project dealing with Spanish actors of European integration.

ORGANIZERS

Sigfrido Ramirez Pérez
sigfrido.ramirez@eui.eu
Mondes Modernes et Contemporaines, Université Libre de Bruxelles
The evolution of the position of Comisiones Obreras towards the process of European integration (1973-2003)

Authors:

Juan Moreno Preciado
Fundacion Primero de Mayo
jfra47moreno@gmail.com
This presentation aims to give an overview, and explanation, about the different European conceptions which co-existed in Comisiones Obreras in relationship to the European project. From the reasons for an initial critical positions to the Single European Act and Maastricht until a more decisive conversion to the European project, the change of leadership from Marcelino Camacho to the new secretary general, Antonio Gutierrez, marked a decisive turning point, which were maintained in relationship to the subsequent Treaties (Amsterdam and Constitutional Treaty) by the successive secretary generals, José María Fidalgo and Ignacio Fernández Toxo, who culminated this trajectory when Toxo became in 2011 the President of the European Trade Union Confederation.
The Unión Sindical Obrera (USO)and European integration

Authors:

Manuel Zaguirre
Former Secretary General of USO
manusoliuso@gmail.com
This presentation will attempt to single out the alliances that USO had made with European trade unions before the arrival to democracy, in particular in the International Federations such as the International Metalworkers’s federation. It will also explain the reasons for its failure to adhere to the European Trade Union Confederation and the various positions which existed within the Trade Union during this period in relationship to the various European Treaties. It will also illustrate the action developed by USO within the European Regional Organisation of the World Confederation of Labour, to which the USO had adhered.
The first Spanish members of the Workers’ Group of the Economic and Social Committee of the EU (1986-1990)

Authors:

Carles Vallejo Calderón
CCOO de Catalunya
vallejo.carles@gmail.com
This presentation will evoke the first Spanish members of the Workers’ Group of the Economic and Social Committee of the EU (representing Comisiones Obreras-CCOO) with a particular attention to the working and functioning of the Workers’ Group during these first years after the Iberian adhesion. It will attempt to single out which were the major contributions made by the Group in general, and the Spanish in particular, to the debates on Social Europe which preceded the Treaty of Maastricht, including the specific political and trade-union discussions in CCOO of Catalunya.

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 209

10. Military Labour

Social Constructions and Divisions of Military Labour

Chair: Christine de Matos

christine.dematos@nd.edu.au

The University of Notre Dame Australia

Military labour is highly organised by markers such as class, gender, service, age, and rank. In turn, this can affect social status and prestige in civil society. This panel looks at the different ways that military labour is socially constructed and mediated and, in turn, can determine what is remembered and recognised as war work. Themes to be explored include the relationship between war, industrialisation and the economy in Electoral Saxony, forgotten volunteer married women creating quilts in the United States during World War I, and how the British Army linked military labour to social prestige and identity.

ORGANIZERS

Alexandros Touloumtzidis
altouloum@gmail.com
University of Patras
Bettina Blum
bettina.blum@uni-paderborn.de
Paderborn University
Quilts of the Great War: Another Piece in the History of Female War Workers

Authors:

Aisha Manus
Independent Historian
cinderella_aisha@hotmail.com
Quilts are most often seen as pieces of folk art or as the objects of cultural heritage, rather than as the valuable historical pieces in histories unrelated to culture and art. By studying the quilters of World War I living in the Coastal South region of the United States and their relationship to the various causes and efforts they represent on the Homefront, such as raising funds for the Red Cross, their place in soldiers' hospitals, and as aid to orphaned European children, it can be concluded that their quilts are a product of not just artists but of war workers too. The histories of women's war work are one often filled with the stories of women who joined the factories or replaced the streetcar drivers while the men went to war. Simultaneously, these histories leave out the work of the women who also contributed to the cause while remaining within their gendered norms, even when their work, such as quilts, serve as a tangible result of their work on the home front. Generally dismissed today as just a patriotic housewife volunteering her time, these workers were in actuality skilled laborers who filled the need for a product desperately needed by the governments of the United States and France, and their work was just as vital as the war work of the women who left their spheres of influence and entered the man's world. Women may have been silenced by gender inequality, but through their work in quilts some found a different way to tell their stories.
How Military Labor Shaped the Early Phases of Industrialization: Evidence from Electoral Saxony

Authors:

Benjamin Hein
Brown University
benjamin_hein@brown.edu
This study of military labour in 18th century Electoral Saxony reconsiders the entanglements between military institutions and the historical process of industrialization. I argue that the for-profit model commonly used in this period with regard to the recruitment and maintenance of armed forces (known as the Kompaniewirtschaft) inadvertently subsidized a decentralized system of industrial production (also known as ‘cottage industry’ or ‘proto-industry’). As officers driven by the profit-motive employed their soldiers in a wide range of productive activities, from spinning yarns to doing petty trade, they inadvertently equipped soldiers with the tools and know-how that was required to perform similar work when they eventually returned to their homes. A reconstruction of these dynamics yields two major insights. First, it shows how the military could be a site of knowledge production for the emerging industrial economies of the 18th century. And second, it suggests that the Kompaniewirtschaft model of military organization may have contributed to the break-down of longstanding norms and assumptions about work, as soldiers were often made to perform labor that was traditionally associated with femininity or, in the case of petty retail trade, with Jewishness. Put another way, this study considers how work performed in the context of military institutions led to a re-gendering, and indeed a re-conceptualization, of the moral economy of work writ large.
Managing Military Manpower: Negotiating Hierarchies, Social Prestige and (Masculine) Identities in the British Army, 1945-2000

Authors:

Bettina Blum
Paderborn University
bettina.blum@uni-paderborn.de
The British army organised military labour into fighting arms and supporting services, including engineering, signals, logistics, medical and (until the early 1990s) women’s corps. These regiments and corps formed the backbone of military life and were ranked hierarchically by order of precedence, as displayed at parades. Cavalry units held the highest status, while female units and the Corps of Army Music were positioned at the end. However, each regiment cultivated a unique regimental identity based on its history, reflected in its uniforms, cap badges, and unique traditions, thereby fostering a strong esprit de corps.Within each unit, all officers and soldiers were part of the chain of command that clearly defined each individual’s role and status. Military labour was organised top-down and enforced by strict discipline, with harsh punishments for indiscipline or deviation. While commanding officers held paramount authority over the entire unit, regimental sergeant majors were responsible for maintaining discipline among the soldiers on a day-to-day basis. Due to their considerable discretionary powers, soldiers often referred to them as ‘God’ or even ‘much higher than that’.Teenage soldiers, aged just over seventeen, could join regular units, which instilled in them a collective identity and a sense of pride and belonging. A shared identity was also forged through strong cohesion within an infantry section, gun detachment, or tank crew, usually based on concepts of martial masculinity. Regimental identity and group cohesion were intended outcomes of military training, providing a key motivation for soldiers to perform military labour—to fight or endure hardships.However, these concepts also frequently led to conflict. Strong feelings of regimental identity could spark fights between regiments in town, in bars or nightclubs. Group cohesion could also develop into gang-like structures and bullying. Soldiers faced serious challenges if their identities significantly diverged from those of the majority, or if they wished to transfer from prestigious regiments to lower-ranking ones for more engaging work.Drawing on both official accounts and individual memories, this paper explores how the British Army linked military labour to social prestige and identity, and how individuals navigated these divergent concepts.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 206

20. Guild and artisan labor

The Triangle of Power: Guilds Between State and Society

Chair: Robles, Álvaro

alvaroroblesaguilar@gmail.com

U. Málaga

Discussants:

Lorandi, Giacomo
giacomo.lorandi@unicatt.it
U. Cattolica del Sacro Cuore (Milano)

This session examines the position of guilds at the intersection of state authority, economic life, and social organization. It considers how governments sought to regulate or reform them, how corporate bodies negotiated shifting economic doctrines, and how occupational structures influenced their resilience or decline. Particular attention is given to the tension between economic freedoms and corporate restrictions, the varied institutional arrangements across regions, and the social and cultural dynamics that shaped guild adaptation. By focusing on these triangular relationships, the session offers fresh perspectives on the endurance, transformation, and eventual erosion of guild systems in pre-modern and early modern societies.

ORGANIZERS

von Briesen, Brendan J.
brendan.vonbriesen@ub.edu
U. Barcelona
Grassi, Mario
mario.grassi@unipd.it
U. Padua
Controlling the guild: the Expediente General de Cofradías y Hermandades (1770) in the cities of Girona and Vic

Authors:

López Silva, Héctor
Independent researcher
hlopezsilva.hls@gmail.com
In 1770, after a long debate, the Expediente General de Cofradías y Hermandades was started. This census made following the orders of Pedro Rodríguez de Campomanes, one of the ministers in the Illustrated government of Charles III of Spain, had the objective of acquiring all the information necessary to reform, rebuild or abolish the existing guilds, confraternities and brotherhoods across Spain. That is why it was ordered to local authorities to inform on various aspects of these entities: when were they founded; what kind of rules did they follow; where they linked with a monastical order; how did they pay for their festivities; what kind of festivities did they participate on. Focusing on two cases, the cities of Girona and Vic, we aim to see how guilds and confraternities existing in this to cities were seen by local governments; which of these entities were the most relevant within local societies. We also aim to see what kind of reformations were suggested by local authorities to make these guilds and confraternities survive.
The emergence of economic rights and craft corporations: two models

Authors:

Rodríguez Gonzálvez, Francisco Jorge
Indipendent Researcher
Francisco.Rodriguez@alumnifellows.eui.eu
During the 18th century, most European économistes politiques criticised the shortcomings of the corporate system but did not advocate for the total abolition of corporations. Instead, they recognised the need to preserve particular aspects of the guild system related to technical training and mutual assistance. The State had to intervene to make the system healthy and competitive through drastic reforms. This perspective continued to be applied well into the 19th century. By contrast, in France, the clear perception of the privileged nature of the restrictions enjoyed by craft organisations and the State led to a lack of incentives to adopt a more flexible strategy. It resulted in the absence of structured policy measures to remove corporate restrictions. This perception crystallised in a theoretical divergence that accepted the suppression of guilds as the best solution. There is a connection between the mainstream of eighteenth-century economic thought and the economic freedoms that emerged after the fall of the old regime. The cultural dissociation between corporations and restrictions on economic freedoms, which, except in France and the unified Kingdom of Italy, did not abolish the guild system. The English case shows an opposite model. Courts consolidated a legal recognition of economic freedoms on a case-by-case basis, consistently attacking the limitations to the free market. Court decisions clearly distinguished between restrictions on free competition and trade corporations, allowing for variation in the guilds' behaviour. There are many divergences between the English approach and the French model of suppression. Unified Germany's dissociation permitted the coexistence between economic freedoms and corporate continuity. Italian states exhibited a diverse range of solutions. In Spain, the law proclaiming economic freedoms did not suppress the corporate system. Corporations failed to survive due to the general economic sluggishness and the lack of political support for a renewed corporate system compatible with the newly proclaimed economic freedoms.
Jacks of all trades? The connection between Guilds and occupations in early modern London

Authors:

Wallis, Patrick
London School of Economics
P.H.Wallis@lse.ac.uk
The economic aims and effects of guilds in pre-industrial Europe continue to be vigorously debated. In this paper we examine the relationship between the occupational composition of a guild and its longevity as an institution. To do this, we examine one unusual characteristic of guilds operating in the city of London: that their members could practice occupations that were quite different from the occupation which the guild regulated. Freemen in the Grocers’ company might make scientific instruments, for example, and train their apprentices in that skill, rather than teaching them to be grocers. While ‘mixed’ guilds that combined a variety of trades were common across England, and are found in many other parts of Europe, in the case of London, the guild system had acquired a relatively peculiar characteristic: members of one guild might undertake an occupation that was regulated and governed by another. We provide the first set of longitudinal data on the occupational mix that existed within a number of different London guilds between the early seventeenth and the late eighteenth centuries. With this, we can then explore the relationship between the occupational homogeneity of guilds and their institutional trajectory: were ‘mixed’ guilds more likely to experience an early decline? Conversely, does the level of concentration of each occupation help explain continuing the pattern efforts to strengthen guild regulation, as occurred throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in London? Or was it less essential to have a close match of occupation and guild than one might expect: could association be more voluntaristic or partial and still be meaningful?
Towards a New Mode of Work? Nasrid Silk Production (14th–15th centuries)

Authors:

Garrido López, Jorge
U. Granada
jorgegarr@ugr.es
Silk production was a key sector within the Nasrid economic architecture, particularly due to its clear orientation towards international trade. The pressure of the foreign demand, exerted by merchant, mainly Italians and Catalan-Aragonese, stimulated a series of transformations in the ways this textile fiber was produced, which became especially evident in the final period of al-Andalus. Among these changes, we begin to understand how, from the mālikī legal perspective, the development of this productive activity was encouraged, especially in its agricultural phase through mulberry tree cultivation, by means of less formally demanding associative formulas and the juridical practice of rural calamity/ŷā’iḥa. This paper explores both dynamics while situating them within the broader context of the transformations that reshaped silk production in the last andalusi territories., but their widows managed workshops, holding places for sons. (Rouen’s widows constituted a third of guild membership and some 80% of revenue.) A few masters’ daughters got special rights. Without such privileges, bound female labor helped guilds to expand and diversity. Of note are the button makers who created an entire manufactury of untitled ouvrières and the hundreds of auxiliary silk workers in Lyon. Whether as valid guild members or as untitled laborers, women were integral to the function of French guilds. Any consideration of guild history without them tells only half the story.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 208

13. Speak, Look, Listen! The Cultural

Labour movement, care work and art

Chair: Nathalie Ponsard

nathalie.ponsard@uca.fr

Université Clermont Auvergne

In this session it will be discussed the relation between labour movement, care work and art by addressing the interconnectedness of highbrow literary production of communist Romania, the cultural and labor histories of the Romanian badanti, migrant women care workers, and the labour movement and the art produced both by the workers and by non-worker artists.

ORGANIZERS

Nathalie Ponsard
nathalie.ponsard@uca.fr
Université Clermont Auvergne
Creating a literary culture within the working class. Insights from communist Romania

Authors:

Ovio Olaru
Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu
Ovio.olaru@ulbsibiu.ro
The present contribution aims at discussing the interconnectedness of highbrow literary production of communist Romania and the labour movement. Far from being a spontaneously occurring link, it was part and parcel of the authorities’ ambition of creating a bridge between the working class and the creative class. From state-organised authors’ visits to factories, public readings, in-house literary meetings where workers would present their own creations, to even forms of creative writing sessions avant la lettre, the labour movement greatly benefitted from these sort of exchanges, especially given the literature-centric approach of Romanian culture – and all communist cultures in the Soviet bloc, as shown by Andrew Baruch Wachtel – in the post-war period. Additionally, this sort of encounters was largely documented by the literary press, transforming into an ongoing demonstration of the growing social role played by writers in communist society. The social mobility prevalent in communist Romania meant that such events were crucial for the development of a cultured working class. As a matter of fact, a sweeping number of canonical authors of the communist period – Geo Bogza, Marin Preda, Alexandru Ivasiuc, Zaharia Stancu, Nicolae Labiș, among others – were of proletarian descent.
Counter-Archives of Care: Feminized Labour, Ungrievability, and the Badanti

Authors:

Oana Marin
Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu
oana.marin@ulbsibiu.ro
The study aims to explore the cultural and labor histories of the Romanian badanti, migrant women care workers who, for at least two decades starting in the early 2000s, were at the center of Southern and Western European care economies. Analyzing the history of the badanti and their gendered, performative behavior through theoretical frameworks that bring together Parreñas’s global care chain, Butler’s concept of ungrievable, precarious lives, and Hardt & Negri’s notion of affective labor, I argue against the systematic and structural undervaluation of reproductive and feminized work within a labor movement that, despite historically fighting for workers’ rights through unions and co-operatives, has left domestic and care workers behind and outside its representational and visible frameworks. However, in their everyday networks of support as immigrants, the badanti have developed micro-forms of co-operation that sustain both their own communities and two economies: that of the receiving country and that of their home country, to which they send income. Hence, through ethnographic fieldwork, data analysis, and interviews with Romanian caregivers in Italy, I aim to explore this paradox: the ways in which they operate through forms of informal labor solidarity and co-operation while simultaneously being excluded from the institutional structures of the labor and co-operative movement. I also analyze how cultural production—consisting of autobiographical writing, migrant art, and testimonies—functions as a counter-archive of labor. This overview of cultural production related to the badanti, care work, and economic migration expands the boundaries of the labor movement, reclaiming the invisibility of caregivers whose work has been essential yet structurally ungrievable within neoliberal Europe.
Workers’ art: art as a means of connection between factory and society. The case of Milan in the 1960s and 1970s through Tino Vaglieri’s Archive

Authors:

Carlotta Maria Vaglieri
Università di Firenze
c.vaglieri@campus.unimib.it
Milan (Italy) during the XX century experienced an industrial development from an economic, urban and social standpoint, with factories like Pirelli, Alfa Romeo, and Innocenti and their workers. During the 1960s and 1970s, these factories became the stage for struggles that established a dialogue with the society beyond the factory. One vehicle of connection was the art produced both by the workers and by non-worker artists, who, through artistic practices – artworks donated to workers during factory occupations or works produced for workers’ magazines – succeeded in creating a bond of solidarity and struggle with the working class. In the 1970s, Milan was home to an artistic scene engagé and embedded in the social events, with figures like Nanni Balestrini, Tino Vaglieri and the Collettivo Autonomo Pittori di Porta Ticinese. The research questions guiding this study are: in which ways did art – from poetry and music to painting – function as an instrument to connect workers’ struggles inside the factories with Milanese society in the 1970s? Which role did the workers’ movement in Milan attribute to the artistic medium as a vehicle of struggle and solidarity? From a methodological perspective, the research will draw upon archival work on the personal papers of Tino Vaglieri, a painter associated with the artistic movement Realismo esistenziale. These include workers’ magazines such as «Abiti-lavoro», in which several Milanese painters contributed; posters from occupied factories recording the donation of artworks to workers; documents relating to artistic projects in working-class neighborhoods, such as «Piazzetta 73»; personal writings on the figure of the worker in art. These sources will be analyzed in dialogue with the broader historical and artistic events that shaped Milan in the 1960s and 1970s.

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 205

3. Workplaces: pasts and presents

Corporate management, regulation and collective worker participation in the workplace. Technological and energetic changes in the firm (1973-2023)

Chair: Nico Pizzolato

n.pizzolato@mdx.ac.uk

Middlesex University

The session proposal is based on the lines of research being developed by two competitively funded research projects. The first, entitled “Firms and business organisations in the labour market and industrial relations system is pañol (1973-2023). A comparative study in the Southern European framework, seeks to analyse the labour market and labour relations from a business perspective, or from the demand side of labour. The second project is “Workplace democracy in Europe: actors, cultures and models in historical and comparative perspective (1973-2023). Case studies of Germany, Spain, Italy and Portugal in the railway and energy sector”, in Southern European countries and, as a dissimilar object in this comparison, Germany. These projects therefore offer complementary lines of research that combine the two perspectives, capital and labour, to address the transformations experienced over the last half century.
During these years, the productive system and, naturally, workplaces and jobs have changed hand in hand with two major cycles of technological innovations and, within them, important changes in the use of energy. Therefore, this panel proposes the study, through the proposed communications, of this technological and energy change in the productive fabrics of southern Europe and how companies and business organisations have promoted them. On the other hand, the panel will also focus on analysing the forms (dimensions and limits) of workers’ participation in these changes and transformations that have taken place in the workplace.

ORGANIZERS

Nico Pizzolato
n.pizzolato@mdx.ac.uk
Middlesex University
Institutional and technological changes at work in the last 50 years in Southern Europe. The dispute over the implementation and management of change, workers' participation

Authors:

Sophia Friedel,
Ruhr-University Bochum
Sophia.Friedel@ruhr-uni-bochum.de

Authors:

Adoración Guamán
Universitat de València (UV)
adoracion.guaman@uv.es

Authors:

Claudio Llanos
Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso (PUCV)
claudio.llanos@pucv.cl

Authors:

Javier Tébar Hurtado y Marcial Sánchez Mosquera
Universitat de Barcelona, Centre d'Estudis Històrics Internacionals (UB-CEHI) and Universidad de Sevilla
javiertebar@ub.edu and msm@us.es
This paper examines the profound institutional and technological changes that have transformed the world of work in Southern Europe over the last fifty years. Adopting a historical-comparative approach, it analyses the implementation and management of these changes, focusing particularly on disputes between social actors — mainly employers, governments and trade unions — over control of productive transformation processes. The paper also explores the extent to which workers have participated in shaping new labour regimes, identifying continuities and ruptures in work organisation, labour relations, and employment conditions. The analysis addresses how technological advances and institutional reforms have not been neutral, but have been shaped by political and social tensions that influence their impact on job quality, labour autonomy, and equity. Ultimately, the paper offers a critical view of the factors that have shaped work in the region, emphasising the significance of conflict and worker agency in the development of wage labour today.
Digitalization and Technological Change in Spanish Business Organizations

Authors:

Sophia Friedel
Ruhr-University Bochum and Manfred Wannöffel, Ruhr-University Bochum
Sophia.Friedel@ruhr-uni-bochum.de

Authors:

Authors:

Authors:

In recent years, digitalization and technological change had an increasing impact on Spanish business organizations in an European context. In this current era characterized by rapid technological advancements driven by AI, Spanish businesses are increasingly adopting digital technologies to improve operational efficiency, enhance customer experience and maintain a competitive advantage. This paper examines the drivers and challenges of digital transformation within Spanish firms, with a focus on sectors such as finance, retail and manufacturing. The key technologies analyzed include artificial intelligence, big data analytics, cloud computing and the Internet of Things (IoT). Another focus will be on mechanisms of workplace democracy required to successfully implement these technologies, emphasizing the importance of upskilling the workforce, co-determination and the role of union representatives. The findings suggest that, although Spanish businesses are making progress in terms of digitalization and the adoption of artificial intelligence, they are facing significant challenges, including resistance to change, concerns about data security, and the need for substantial investment. This paper concludes with ideas and possibilities on how policymakers, business leaders and union representatives could foster a more digital-ready environment, ensuring that Spanish business organizations can thrive in the digital age.
The company and business organisations in institutional and technological change, safety at work in a changing environment

Authors:

Agusitín Galán
Universidad de Huelva
agustin@dehie.uhu.es

Authors:

Authors:

Authors:

This paper examines the role of companies and business organisations in institutional and technological change processes, with a specific focus on their impact on occupational safety in contexts characterised by profound and rapid transformations. Through a multidisciplinary analysis, it explores how business strategies and policies promoted by employer organisations have influenced the reconfiguration of labour standards, productive structures and regulatory frameworks related to occupational health and safety. It considers how these dynamics affect both the material conditions of work and the mechanisms for protecting workers, identifying tensions between technological innovation, business competitiveness and the preservation of labour rights. Finally, it reflects on the need to rethink the role of companies as responsible social actors in the construction of safe and sustainable working environments.
The strategic sectors of railways and energy in Southern Europe, 1973-2023. Technological changes and changes in the production process: workers' participation

Authors:

Marcial Sánchez Mosquera
Universidad de Sevilla
msm@us.es

Authors:

Andrea Tappi
Universidad de Barcelona, CEHI
tappi.andrea@gmail.com

Authors:

Javier Tebar
Universidad de Barcelona, CEHI
javiertebar@ub.edu

Authors:

his paper analyses the evolution of the strategic railway and energy sectors in southern Europe between 1973 and 2023. It focuses particularly on technological changes, changes in production processes and worker participation in these processes. Adopting a comparative historical approach, it examines the transformations driven by technological modernisation, liberalisation policies and productive restructuring, and their impact on work organisation. The study highlights how these historically state-linked sectors, considered pillars of national economic development, have undergone profound structural changes that have redefined the role of workers, their bargaining power, and their mechanisms of representation. The study also explores formal and informal spaces for worker participation in managing change, highlighting the tensions between productive efficiency, labour rights, and social cohesion. The study concludes by emphasising the importance of integrating workers' voices into sectoral transformation processes, particularly in a context characterised by energy transition and digitalisation.
The evolution of trade unionism and collective bargaining in the railway sector in Portugal: developments in recent decades and contemporary debates

Authors:

José Soeiro
Facultad de Letras da Universidade do Porto (FLUP)
jsoeiro@letras.up.pt

Authors:

Cristina Parente
Facultad de Letras da Universidade do Porto (FLUP)

Authors:

Authors:

This paper examines the evolution of trade unionism and collective bargaining in the Portuguese railway sector, analysing historical developments and current challenges. Drawing on historical analysis and contemporary case studies, it examines the impact of structural reforms, technological modernisation, and liberalisation policies on labour relations within the sector. Particular attention is paid to the role of trade unions in adapting to these changes, their bargaining strategies, and their efforts to maintain worker representation and labour standards in an increasingly fragmented and competitive environment. It also addresses the impact of EU-driven policy frameworks, privatisation trends, and changes in employment patterns on collective bargaining mechanisms. Finally, it analyses current debates on the revitalisation of trade unions, worker participation, and the future of collective regulation in a context marked by digitalisation, climate transition, and the evolution of public service models. The Portuguese railway sector is presented as a case study that illustrates the broader dynamics of the continuity and transformation of labour relations in southern Europe.
Case study of the Polo Químico de Huelva. Technological, energy and occupational safety changes

Authors:

Cinta Concepción García Vázquez
Universidad de Sevilla
cgarcia25@us.es

Authors:

Authors:

Authors:

This paper presents the results of a case study of the Huelva Chemical Pole, one of the largest industrial complexes in southern Europe. The study aims to analyse the technological, energy-related and occupational safety changes that have occurred from the late 20th century to the present day. Adopting a qualitative methodology combining documentary analysis, interviews and fieldwork, the paper examines how production processes have changed due to the adoption of new technologies, the shift towards more sustainable energy sources, and the adaptation to European and international occupational safety regulations. Particular attention is paid to how these changes have been managed by companies in the sector, and their impact on working conditions, the culture of prevention, and worker participation in risk management. While significant progress has been made in terms of technological advancement and compliance with safety standards, the paper concludes that structural tensions remain with regard to job insecurity, outsourcing of services, and the challenges posed by the ecological transition in a highly industrialised environment

12:00–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 203

1. Workers, Labour and Labour History in Modern Central-East Europe

(II) Working-class anthropology in Central and Eastern Europe from the end of the Second World War till today

Chair: Tibor Valuch

valuch63@gmail.com

Eszterházy Károly Catholic University

Discussants:

Sándor Horváth
sandor.horvath@gmil.com
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities, Budapest
Tbor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
Eszterhazy Karoly Catholic University

The idea behind the planned session grew out of a decade-long cooperation between the two organizers and our common interest in re-connecting with both the East-Central European “native” traditions of labour anthropology and the new, global perspectives on labour history.
It is common knowledge today that even though working-class studies enjoyed a privileged status in state socialist Eastern Europe and received distinguished attention and institutional funding from the Communist regimes, the discipline also stood under strict ideological control, which impacted on the actual academic production and the local academic communities. While in the aftermath of “actually existing socialism”, for understandable reasons, the stress has been put on the question of academic control, resistance or collaboration with the Communist regimes, there has also emerged a need to re-read the old ethnographies through a new lens and a new attention to the actual ethnographic work rather than the question of the scale of compliance to the ideological narrative that the “client” state wanted to hear. Labor anthropology had a particularly strong school for instance in Poland, but sociological and ethnographic studies also flourished in countries such as Hungary, where the re-established sociology enjoyed a very high social and academic prestige.
In the 1990s, academic interest in Central and Eastern European labour radically shrank, as the working class was often uncritically associated with the Communist past that both the public and academic communities sought to leave behind. With the transformation of Communist industries, the main losers of the regime changes belonged to the postsocialist working class, who en mass lost their jobs and temporarily or in most cases permanently fell out of the labour market, suffering all the predictable consequences (material and social insecurity, impoverishment, the decline and eventual ghettoization of their living habitats, the disintegration of the old communities and often even the families, the loss of the dignity of work, and the pressing need to redefine their social, gender and personal identities). This nourished a sense of socialist nostalgia, which had an uncanny resonance with the Communist past, rendering labour studies even less attractive for the new, democratically elected governments in East-Central Europe. Unsurprisingly, much of the postsocialist labour anthropology has been written by Western scholars, who brought with themselves not only their academic interest and moral commitment but also novel perspectives and new academic methods.
By now, a new generation of scholars grew up, who were born after the regime changes or only have distant childhood memories of the late socialist period. The old political-ideological fights and Cold War divisions that determined the lives of the older generations are – optimistically – foreby. The kind of global ethnography that Michael Burawoy advocated seems to be a “natural” choice for many researchers, who can cross – or are even pushed to cross – borders.
It is also common knowledge that the globalization of labour has many negative aspects – Western scholars already in the 1990s spoke of the colonization of Eastern European labour. It can be, however, also argued that this colonization has also become global as dire consequences such as the informalization of employment, the weakening of trade unions, gendered poverty, growing material and social insecurity are no longer postsocialist specificities.
Despite all odds, we believe that there is a continuing need to “connect” our ethnographies – both socialist and postsocialist, and the Eastern and Western perspectives. We therefore invite papers which are engaged with working-class ethnographies in Central and Eastern Europe from the end of the Second World War till the present day. We welcome both contemporary case studies or comparative papers and papers, which are engaged with the history of socialist ethnographies. We also welcome studies that examine the everyday life of workers, their life, adaptation, and work strategies, the system of work, workplace and private relationships, and networks from a complex ethnographic, anthropological, and social history perspective.
Studying different regions, scholars from the new generation of global labour historians such as Görkem Akgöz or Leda Papastefanaki proposed to re-focus on the workplace, and they published ground-breaking studies embedded in the factory. A contemporary scholar in East-Central Europe would only see enviously the voluminous literature inside the socialist factory – commissioned by the Communist state. Much has been rightfully said about the Communist misuse of the “working class”. It is, however, also important to re-discover what kind of mirror the contemporary scholars held to the “client” state.

ORGANIZERS

Tibor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
Eszterházy Károly Catholic University
In the Shadow of Cameras: The Socialist Society of a Heavy Industrial District in Northeastern Hungary in Sociofilms

Authors:

Peter Alabán
HAS Work Research Group
alaban.peter@gmail.com
Just as the sociographies and sociophotographs of the 1930s, the film sociographies of socialism provide unique ethnographic insight into working-class life. Motion pictures do not simply record reality but actively frame it, offering a prism through which poverty, backwardness, and everyday endurance were represented, censored, or contested. This paper examines sociofilms produced in and around Ózd, a heavy industrial town in northeastern Hungary, in the 1970s and 1980s. Industrial expansion had transformed peasants into workers and miners across generations, while women increasingly entered heavy industry. Films such as Nine Months depicted this transition, presenting women’s shifting roles and aspirations for independence. Others, like Little America, portrayed working-class poverty in ways the authorities deemed unacceptable, leading to bans. By analysing these works, I argue that sociofilms can be read as ethnographies of socialist labour, capturing both the integrative role of the factory and the fractures of everyday life. They reveal how communities experienced industrial time, how modest living standards contrasted with official propaganda, and how signs of crisis—aging colonies, mine closures, and post-1989 decline—were already inscribed in late socialist imagery. The analysis also revisits films such as the six-part Among the Mounts of Domaháza and Do Not Pale!, which used life stories to document the erosion of peasant society, the spread of the “double-income” lifestyle, and the contradictions of reform. Rather than treating these as simple documentaries, the paper interprets them as cultural texts that negotiated between state narratives and lived realities, connecting local working-class experiences to broader histories of socialism, migration, and social transformation.
Beauty’s Underground: Prestige, Mobility, and Informal Practice in Socialist Hungary’s Cosmetic Sector

Authors:

Kovácsné Magyari Hajnalka
Hungarian Academy of Sciences, WORK History Research Group
hajnalka.magyari@gmail.com
Before the Second World War, cosmetic services were an exclusive luxury practiced in private salons for upper-class clients. After 1945, economic hardship and socialist ideology transformed the profession, forcing cosmeticians to adopt new strategies to sustain their livelihoods. What had once been a sphere of elite consumption became embedded in a socialist labour regime, where hygiene was emphasised over self-indulgence, and working women replaced elegant ladies as the typical clients. This paper analyses how cosmeticians navigated these transformations, asking: What opportunities did they have under socialism? What did cosmetic spaces look like, and what materials were available in times of scarcity? How did conditions differ across state, cooperative, and private sectors? And what roles did the so-called “cosmetic brigades” play in shaping professional identity and prestige? Drawing on archival documents, press articles, and narrative sources, the paper interprets the cosmetic sector as an ethnography of women’s work under socialism. It highlights the intersections of labour, gender, and informality, showing how beauticians balanced official regulations with informal practices to maintain autonomy, mobility, and prestige. Rather than viewing cosmetics as marginal, the analysis positions it as a field where wider questions of labour, gender roles, and social aspiration became visible. The cosmetic salon functioned as both a workplace and a semi-private sphere of exchange, where women negotiated authority, cultivated networks, and experimented with new identities. Reading these practices ethnographically allows us to see how even the intimate world of beauty carried broader implications for the history of socialist work and its global comparisons.
At the Crossroads of Ethnicity and Labour: Changing Worlds of Work in Szépvíz/Frumoasa (1945–1962)

Authors:

Főcze János
Hungarian National Archive
foczejanositt@gmail.com
This paper investigates the intertwined histories of ethnicity and labour in Szépvíz (Frumoasa), a Hungarian community in Romania, between 1945 and 1962. Through a microhistorical and ethnographic perspective, it explores how socialist transformation reshaped local social structures, forms of work, and community identities. Once an ethnically and religiously diverse district centre with a visible Armenian minority, Szépvíz lost much of its earlier prominence during the socialist decades. Roman Catholic Székelys became the dominant population, while the dismantling of traditional ownership and the imposition of collective forms of labour transformed the economic and cultural life of the community. The paper highlights how industrialisation, collectivisation, and new labour regimes altered not only material livelihoods but also the meanings attached to work, belonging, and survival. By analysing archival documents, local sources, and oral histories, the study interprets these changes as an ethnography of transition. Everyday experiences reveal how ethnicity intersected with class and labour, producing both tensions and accommodations in workplaces and villages. Particular attention is paid to how Hungarian-speaking minorities negotiated between state socialist policies and local solidarities, developing strategies of adaptation, compliance, and resistance. This case contributes to the conference theme by connecting ethnographies of labour across socialist Eastern Europe. The Szépvíz experience demonstrates how socialist transformation simultaneously integrated and marginalised communities, revealing continuities in precarisation, shifting work identities, and contested notions of agency. By situating a small rural community within broader labour histories, the paper shows how microhistorical analysis can illuminate larger regional and global debates on work, ethnicity, and social change.
Changes in the political behaviour of Hungarian workers in the second half of 20th century

Authors:

Tibor Valuch
Eszterházy Károly Catholic University
valuch63@gmail.com
More than three decades after the transition to a market economy, Hungarian historical and social memory tells us that the working class has had a fundamentally left-wing political affiliation in modern history. In my study, I try to reconstruct the specificities of the political behaviour and identity of the Hungarian working class in the second half of 20th century by analysing the changes at national and local level and by understanding of the diverse and unique life histories. The analysis is divided into three parts: in the first, I summarise the workers’s issues their national political engagement and changes in their political behaviour. In the second part, I will examine the history of political integration and political behaviour in the second half of 20th century in Ózd, a concrete industrial settlement, which once was the dominant iron and steel production settlement in Hungary. In the third part, I will examine the life stories of industrial workers in an analytical way, which will also help to understand the personal factors of political identity changes. In my work, I draw on approaches and methods from social history, political history and political sociology within the framework of interdisciplinary analysis. In this way, I try to reconstruct the changes in the political behaviour and identity of the modern Hungarian working class. I seek to answer the question: how did the recurrent changes of regime influence the political behaviour of workers? How did the political identity of different groups of workers change? To what extent and why is the historical approach emphasising the dominant left-wing character of Hungarian workers as a myth? What social integration factors and processes could explain the dynamic changes in the political affiliation of workers? I try to find answers to these questions at the level of national, local and personal history.

12:00–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 205

8. Labour in Mining

(II) Extractive Industry under Dictatorship in the 20th Century: Social, Political and Environmental Issues

The mining sector occupied a central role in shaping the economic, political, and social history of many countries throughout the 20th century. As a strategic industry, mining was closely tied to national development agendas, regimes of labour control, environmental transformations, and the consolidation of state power.

This panel aims to explore the labour, social, political, and environmental dimensions of the mining sector under dictatorial regimes during the 20th century. While we are particularly interested in European cases, we also strongly encourage contributions that examine similar processes in other parts of the world—such as Latin America, but we could consider other cases in Africa or Asia—to foster comparative perspectives and transregional dialogues.

We invite paper proposals that address, among others, the following topics:

– Labour regimes and working conditions; state violence and labour discipline; occupational health and safety;
– Industrial relations and collective action: trade unionism, strikes, worker mobilization, and their repression or negotiation by authoritarian regimes;
– The role of mining in economic and political planning under dictatorships: including its ideological instrumentalization in fascist, communist, or military regimes;
– The responses of dictatorial regimes to the environmental impacts of mining and the narratives of progress or sacrifice that justified extractive policies.
– We are especially interested in interdisciplinary approaches that bridge labour history with environmental history, political economy, social history, or the history of science and technology. Contributions may be based on local case studies, national analyses, or comparative and transregional frameworks.

ORGANIZERS

Sanna, Francesca
francesca.sanna@univ-tlse2.fr
Université de Toulouse 2 Jean Jaurès
García Gómez, José Joaquín
josejgg@ual.es
Universidad de Almería
Trescastro-López, Eva María
eva.trescastro@ua.es
Universidad de Alicante
An Uncharted Coal Connection. Northern Italy’s Post-World-War-II Dependence on the Mines in Istria, Yugoslavia

Authors:

Rutar, Sabine
Leibniz Institute for East and Southeast European Studies, Regensburg, Germany, and Znanstveno-raziskovalno središče (ZRS) Koper, Slovenia
rutar@ios-regensburg.de
As a consequence of the Second World War, the northeastern Adriatic region became the southern end of the “Iron Curtain”. In the course of the Cold War, the region went from rigorously closed and volatile borders to quite open ones. The Trieste question and the history of the Free Territory of Trieste (1947-1954) have predominantly been studied in terms of the (geo)political issues of the Cold War bipolar divide. My paper proposes a perspective through the prism of the “coal connection” that existed between Istria and industries in northeastern Italy. At the core of this perspective lies the observation that Italy’s interest lay more in Istria’s extractive resources than in the Trieste harbour (given Italy had so many). As a CIA report of 1954 put it: “[...] a great portion of Italy industrially is dependent on coal imported from Yugoslavia. [...] the real significance of the Trieste question lies in the minerals entombed in the surrounding territory [...].” In the immediate aftermath of the war – even before the Tito- Stalin-split of 1948 – a bilateral economic practice existed that was based on barter: Yugoslav coal was exchanged for Italian industrial finished products. The reconstruction efforts of both countries relied on this coal connection which had been tightened during the interwar period when Istria belonged to fascist Italy. Then, furnaces in the Italian industry had been adapted to the Istrian type of coal. In short, in the transition from one dictatorial regime to the next the need for coal, and also the technological contingencies, pragmatically defied war-induced enmity, border conflicts and the Cold War ideological divide. The coal connection links Italian fascism and Yugoslav communism. This socioeconomic, environmental and technological cross-border Cold War history until now has received no historiographic attention.
Beyond occupational health: the perspective of wellbeing in the medical services of the Rio Tinto company (1942–1969)

Authors:

Trescastro-López, Eva María
University of Alicante
eva.trescastro@ua.es
The health status of populations, fundamentally associated with adequate coverage of basic health needs, is one of the dimensions of well-being that best reflects the living conditions of a population. At the Rio Tinto Co Ltd (RTCL) mines, from the outset, the company's health initiatives were not limited to occupational medicine, but included comprehensive health monitoring, which was highly innovative compared to contemporary healthcare in Spain. This healthcare was heavily influenced by British medical principles, which introduced comprehensive and preventive healthcare that was well ahead of its time. The Riotinto Medical Department sought to make up for the shortcomings of an underdeveloped area that had been neglected by the authorities in terms of healthcare and did not have the support of local medicine. In this context, it seems appropriate to ask about the impact that both the introduction of health insurance in Spain in 1942 and the arrival of Franco's dictatorship and its occupational health policies had on this healthcare model and on the health of workers and their families. The latter led to a change in ownership of the mining complex in 1954, following its acquisition by the "Compañía Española de Minas de Río Tinto" (CEMRT). To explore these issues in greater depth, an analysis has been carried out of the sources available in the archives of the RTCL medical service for the period 1942-1969. Specifically, documentation relating to blood, urine, sputum, water, milk, gastric juice, cerebrospinal fluid and stool analyses carried out on users of the medical service during that period has been consulted. The journal "Medicina y Seguridad del Trabajo" from 1952 to 1969 was also consulted, as well as the annual report of the medical service of the Spanish mining company Rio-Tinto S.A. (1966) and other medical materials from the company. Despite all the changes introduced during the period studied, the strong British presence and influence led to effective and efficient health measures, as well as effective prophylactic action with mass vaccinations, even though it was a private company and an organisation with an exemplary and operational social medical system for the time.
Enterprise Medical Services: A Forgotten Laboratory of Occupational Health in Europe (1956–1997)

Authors:

Carrión Rico, David
Department of Sociology, Social Work and Preventive Medicine & Public Health, University of Huelva
david.carrion@dstso.uhu.es
This study examines the historical role of Occupational Health Services in Spain, focusing on the development of Servicios Médicos de Empresa (SME) and the Organización de los Servicios Médicos de Empresa (OSME) as precursors of current occupational risk prevention systems. Based on a legislative and documentary review, the research traces their evolution from the mandatory establishment of SME in 1956 to their dissolution in 1997 with the implementation of the Regulation on Prevention Services. The analysis highlights Spain’s pioneering position at the international level. Along with France and Argentina, Spain introduced compulsory workplace medical services well before the recommendations of the International Labour Organization (1958) and the European Economic Community (1962). Findings show that SME initially concentrated within a single structure the tasks now divided among the different prevention specialties: health surveillance, ergonomics, industrial hygiene, and workplace safety. Although many companies first opted for joint services to reduce costs, autonomous SME gradually prevailed as they proved more effective in reducing absenteeism, decreasing the frequency and severity of occupational accidents and diseases, and enhancing workers’ performance. Nevertheless, the OSME itself reported significant dysfunctions, such as the subordination of SME to company interests, restrictive use of medical examinations, and insufficient identification of workplace hazards. Despite these limitations, the system contributed decisively to consolidating a preventive culture in Spain. The paper concludes that SME represented a hybrid model of private services entrusted with public functions, anticipating the modern organization of occupational risk prevention in Europe and revealing the persistent tension between productivity, workers’ health, and state responsibility.
The risks of work between local realities and the construction of a category. The crossroads of the 1940s

Authors:

Fleta, Agustín
University of Sevilla
agfleta@us.es
This paper proposes a reflection inspired by lessons from long periods of empirical research that have focused on occupational health, especially in mining, as one of its main focuses. Regarding occupational health in Spain, the entry into the 20th century marked the arrival of the 1900 Occupational Accident Law (Ley de Accidentes del Trabajo, LAT), which can be considered the turning point toward the construction of a "Social State." The LAT, which would provide coverage for accidents occurring at work, was approved two years after its French counterpart. The regulation of occupational diseases was delayed. It was ultimately promoted by the Government of the Republic as part of the effort to incorporate the labor regulations generated by the ILO into Spain. The Republican Law on Occupational Diseases (Ley de Bases de la Enfermedad Profesional) was approved in July 1936, with no time left for its implementation. After the Civil War, this attempt to regulate occupational diseases was reduced, in 1941 and in 1947, to the new silicosis insurance. This regulatory option and its procedural application would, with very few exceptions, limit coverage for occupational diseases to silicosis until the arrival of democracy. Silicosis insurance would be exploited by the Franco regime as an element of political legitimacy among the miners. This fact, and the difficulties in advancing the recognition and coverage of occupational diseases (a pipe dream during the long postwar period, in a context of serious deterioration in production and working conditions), highlight the management component associated with occupational health. This would affect, on the one hand, the company's day-to-day management of the workforce. On the other, it would affect the regime's political management of certain potentially conflictive groups.

12:30–13:30

Thursday, June 18 (morning)

Classroom: 203

5. Labour and Coercion

The Coercion of Indentured Labor in the Long-Term View

Chair: Petrik, Teresa

teresa.petrik@univie.ac.at

Vienna University of Economics and Business

Discussants:

Tycko, Sonia
sonia.tycko@ed.ac.uk
University of Edinburgh

Forms of labor coercion called “indentured labor” have been an integral part of labor regimes in various parts of the world. However, we lack a thoroughgoing account of indentured labor across its long, geographically dispersed history. In fact, the scholarship is notably fractured, focusing either on indentures for apprenticeships in Europe (which are said to be empowering, through the provision of training and skill as well as social networks) or on Asian indentured labor within modern European and U.S. empires (which is said to be fundamentally exploitative and akin to African chattel slavery). This panel initiates a conversation on indenture across time and space focused on the ways in which coercion operated. The papers collated here span indenture contracts in seventeenth-century England (Tycko), pre-abolition nineteenth-century Chinese labor in the Caribbean (Peters), post-abolition Indian migration (Mongia) and ‘coolie’ labour in nineteenth- and twentieth-century India (Sundar) to reveal the conceptual and legal tools through which diverse actors—ranging from private masters to legislators—coerced laborers under the aegis of indentures, and how laborers lived with and reshaped their conditions. In so doing, the panel seeks to understand the continuities and ruptures in the geographically dispersed and longer history of indentured labor. A particular focus of each paper will be on pointed moments in history when people reformulated, adapted, and investigated these labor contracts. All panelists will attend to their subjects’ evaluation of the nature of coercion which co-existed with and even constituted consent in contract formation. Their grappling with coercion and contractual consent resulted in their articulation of valuable sources which we will analyze here. We ultimately contribute to a cutting-edge development in scholarship on labor, by tracing histories in the freedom of contract, its promises and failures, and how this keystone liberal concept has misdirected energies for reform and challenges to power.

ORGANIZERS

Tycko, Sonia
sonia.tycko@ed.ac.uk
University of Edinburgh
Peters, Catie
catiepetersphd@gmail.com
College of William & Mary
Mongia, Radhika
rmongia@yorku.ca
York University
Coercion in the Constitution of Consent to Early Modern English Indentured Labor

Authors:

Tycko, Sonia
University of Edinburgh
sonia.tycko@ed.ac.uk
This talk will analyze the prescribed and material practices of coercion in the late medieval and early modern forms of indentured labor in Europe, with a focus on England in the seventeenth century. Indentures were a document format with two counterparts separated from one another by a wavy or indented cut in the parchment or paper. Guilds (livery companies) wrote up contracts for apprenticeships on indentures from the late thirteenth century. In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, two new forms of indentured labor began in England: parish or pauper apprenticeship, and transatlantic indentured servitude. The first emerged within the rigors of the Old English Poor Law, which advised that parishes should place poorer children with better-off households, where they were to work as unpaid servants in agrarian and domestic settings until they reached the age of twenty-one for girls and twenty-four for boys. The second developed within early English efforts to colonize parts of the Caribbean and the eastern seaboard of North America. People agreed to work for a master for several years in exchange for the cost of their passage along with room and board throughout their terms. Both had precedents and equivalents elsewhere in Europe, particularly France and the Low Countries. I show how masters and middlemen wielded consent as a tool of labor coercion with close readings of the formulaic text and marginalia in many surviving indentures paired with select apprentices’ and servants’ petitions and complaints. In so doing, I expand arguments I develop in my book, Captured Consent: Contract Labor in English Charity, Colonization, and Warfare, 1600–1700 (Cambridge University Press, 2026), to situate the early modern English history of consent to indentured labor within a wider regional history in sixteenth- to eighteenth-century Europe.
The Contract and the Collective: The Making of Indenture in the Early Nineteenth-Century Caribbean

Authors:

Peters, Catie
College of William & Mary
catiepetersphd@gmail.com
Scholars of the Indian Ocean have revised their understanding of Asian indenture by emphasizing the influence of convict, maritime, and plural systems of unfree labor around the world. Nevertheless, Atlantic historiography continues to orient this coercive institution around the abolition of African chattel slavery within European empires. Drawing upon insights from the Indian Ocean world, my research explores disjointed attempts at implementing Asian indenture before Atlantic abolitions. In particular, I examine the arrival of bonded Chinese laborers in the early nineteenth-century Caribbean. In my current book project, Laboring Neighbors: Afro-Asian Histories in the Colonial Caribbean, I examine how small numbers of Guandongese and Fujianese men arriving in the early nineteenth-century Caribbean formed collectives and forged possibilities through fishing, marketplace activity, and plant expertise. This talk draws out the forms of alleged agreement that governed these early schemes, which featured a captain or headman, akin to Southeast Asian modes of Chinese labor organization of the period. These documents preceded the individualized and government-brokered contract form that typified nineteenth-century South Asian indenture. Instead, they featured stipulations that pertained to collectives of Chinese men. Drawing upon records in English, French, Spanish, and Chinese, I demonstrate how these agreements nuance the long history of indenture as well as how they were translated—and negotiated—among the parties that navigated and leveraged them.
The Ambiguities of Indian Indenture: Representing Coercion

Authors:

Mongia, Radhika
York University
rmongia@yorku.ca
British abolition of slavery in 1834 generated a massive demand for labor in the plantation economies of Mauritius and the Caribbean. Perhaps the most important scheme to meet this labor demand was the recruitment and migration of Indian indentured labor to the plantation colonies. Described by some as “a new system of slavery,” the scheme prompted immediate debate and contestation, with the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society and others arrayed against the plantocracy and its allies. Consequently, Indian migration to the former slave colonies was suspended in 1838 as inquiries on the “freedom” of the migrants were ordered in India, Mauritius, and the Caribbean. The latter two inquiries, in Mauritius and the Caribbean, were cursory. In India, however, the six-member inquiry committee appointed to evaluate the system followed an elaborate process of assembling evidence, including examinations of and testimonies from officials, private interests, and returned migrants themselves. The process took some two years and resulted in deep division between members of the committee: three members submitted a “majority report,” condemning the system; the remaining three members submitted individual dissents to the “majority report,” arguing for the resumption of indenture. Taken together, the varied final reports and the evidence collated offer an unusually detailed and nuanced account of the material practices of coercion, its social representation, and processes of subjectification (the concerns of the ELHN 2026 conference) that characterized Indian indenture. This paper presents an analysis of these documents, particularly how the different reports would re-present “native testimony,” to show how the ambiguities of the social representation of coercion enabled administrators to side with the dissenters and authorize the resumption of indenture in 1842. This decision, the paper demonstrates, encapsulated a profound recalibration of how coercion and free labor were understood in the aftermath of slavery abolition.
Depot Medicine: Politics of Care and Coercion in Madras c. 1860–1920

Authors:

Sundar, Anusha
Columbia University
as6151@columbia.edu
This paper examines how the purpose and powers of the ‘coolie’ labor depot were fashioned through the everyday activities of medical examiners, district bureaucracy, depot superintendents and coolie laborers in late 19th century Madras. It will elaborate on three fronts. First, the paper studies how the labor depot emerged as a contentious space over jurisdictions and imaginations of care. I will trace the contingent contexts in which French and British colonial authorities gradually expanded the function of the depot superintendents by the 1860s. While tensions between the depot and city health underwrote these early expansionary powers, camps in small coastal towns along the Coromandel witnessed politics around the ‘abandonment’ of sick coolies by the families. Second, the paper traces the debates and disagreements between depot doctors about the nature and extent of bodily inspections, treatments, procedures to handle sick coolies, and strategies to deal with those who refused to subject themselves to physical exams. In its third and final section, the paper probes the methods and strategies through which coolie laborers negotiated the depot and its medical apparatus and elucidates the limits of scientific expertise and practise in the depot.Historians of indentured regime and public health have alerted us to the regulatory practices of the colonial state that counted and disciplined the bodies of its subjects (Kumar, 2017; Amrith, 2013; Carter, 1992). As a result, we have understood medical investigations as surveillance mechanisms to weed out the diseased and the infirm, cordon and control access, detain and vaccinate the unwilling. While the literature on the “government of migration” has undoubtedly enriched our understanding of the ways in which states belied their anxieties about mobile bodies, it marginalizes another context. This paper argues that the coercive apparatus of the depot counterintuitively inaugurated a politics of claims, entitlement and strategic subjecthood amongst coolies. The depot thus provides an important context to understand the relational aspects of coercion, as an establishment that straddled state and private jurisdictions, public health, police and medical bureaucracy, intermediaries and recruiters, and labor.This paper contributes to the study of labor and coercion by examining the medical practices that produced and reproduced coercion, and shaped responses to it. It does so by examining how migration regimes such as indenture and “free” passage (kangani system to Ceylon, for example) were entangled in the functioning of labor depots. It historicizes how coolies perceived medical investigative practices and recast them to meet specific needs. In this manner, it demonstrates the assembling of the ‘coolie’ through the scientific and medical apparatus of the colonial state, as well as labor’s own understanding of these practices. Relatedly, the paper unpacks how the state’s medical apparatus also shaped coercion within coolie kin group and families. While family ties itself determined coercive forms of control over labor, several female coolies resisted coercive medical investigations by threatening to withdraw with their families.

12:30–13:30

Wednesday, June 17 (morning)

Classroom: 220

19. Economic and Industrial Democracy

Workers as Decision-Makers: Syndicalism, Trade Unionism & Guild Socialism

Chair: Philipp Reick

Since at least the end of the 18th century, social reformers, labor leaders, organized workers, and political movements have promoted democratic control of the workplace, industry, and economic life as a crucial precondition not only for social justice and material security but also for political democracy more generally. In so doing, they have highlighted that when workers and employees lack effective voice at work and control over the labor process, their political participation and formal political equality is seriously curtailed more broadly. Indeed, many have argued that political democracy will fail to materialize or, where it existed, soon experience ‘backsliding’ should democratic rights over work, industry, and the economy be withheld or decline. Against this backdrop, intellectuals, political and trade union actors, and social movements proposed a wide range of theories as well as practical measures that underlined the participation of employees and labor in decision-making as a prerequisite for the sustainability of democratic rule. In light of the current attacks on democratic institutions, we believe that now is the time to re-think what role the improvement and expansion of employee participation in industrial and economic decision-making might play in the fight for the future of our democracies.
Today, growing fears of democratic erosion in the political sphere happen to follow on the heels of a general decline of economic democracy over the last decades. For this reason, we want to explore the role that ‘democracy’ has played in the thinking, organizing, and lived experiences of past and present-day individuals and movements pushing for greater control over individual workplaces, whole industries, and entire economies. Instead of concentrating on how workplace democracy has impacted economic performance, productivity, and employee satisfaction–the focus of much previous research–we want to go to the heart of our subject and ask: whether, how, and why democracy at work strengthens and improves democracy in a variety of other social spheres, from families and civic organizations to local communities, the nation state and the international arena?
Panel 1: Workers as Decision-Makers: Syndicalism, Trade Unionism & Guild Socialism

ORGANIZERS

Aurélie Andry
aurelie.andry@eui.eu
University of Bochum
Thomas Adams
thomasadams@southalabama.edu
University of South Alabama
Philipp Reick
philipp.reick@tu-berlin.de
TU Berlin
James Connolly’s Syndicalist Republic: Economic Democracy as Political Foundation

Authors:

Filippo Barsi
University of Pisa
filippo.barsi@sns.it
This paper reinterprets James Connolly’s political and theoretical work as a blueprint for an integrated model of economic and political democracy rooted in radical trade unionism. Although not a founder, Connolly was a central figure in politically and ideologically shaping both the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU) and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Through his writings in The Irish Worker, The Workers’ Republic, and The Harp, this paper analyses how he articulated a vision of the union as more than a vehicle for economic resistance, i.e., as the nucleus of a future democratic republic. Connolly understood economic democracy not as secondary to political rights, but as their necessary foundation. A society where the workplace remained autocratic could never foster genuine democratic citizenship. His syndicalist concept of the "One Big Union" fused industrial organization with political deliberation, envisioning federated worker-run institutions that would collectively manage production and social life. This vision was not merely theoretical. Liberty Hall, the ITGWU’s headquarters, hosted theatres, lectures, kitchens, and printshops—spaces where solidarity and self-governance were lived experiences. Crucially, the ITGWU and the Irish Citizen Army welcomed women as full participants, making Connolly one of the few socialist leaders of his time to support gender equality in both word and practice. By emphasizing cooperation, collective ownership, and cultural self-expression, Connolly’s syndicalist republicanism sought to prefigure the socialist future it aimed to build. This paper situates Connolly’s project within transnational debates on democratic socialism, arguing that his model offers a historical answer to the urgent question: How can economic democracy deepen and sustain political democracy in times of crisis?  
The Brief Summer of Guild Socialism: The Incomplete Quest for Self-Government in Industry, Britain and Australia, ca. 1910-25

Authors:

Sean Scalmer
University of Melbourne
sscalmer@unimelb.edu.au
Over the first two decades of the twentieth century, ‘guild socialism’ emerged as a significant current in the British and Australian labour movements. Emanating from the pages of the journal, The New Age, it soon attracted the support of leading intellectuals, among them G.D.H. Cole, Bertrand Russell and V.G. Childe. It was elaborated in a rich pamphlet literature and helped to inspire the formation of new organisations (including Britain’s ‘National Guilds League’) and new policies (including the Australian Labor Party’s ‘Socialisation Objective’).Guild socialism asserted the centrality of ‘democracy’ to the socialist and labour movements. It recognised the potentially stultifying force of Fabian-style state collectivism. It underlined the limits of political democracy, questing also, in the words of G.D.H. Cole, for ‘self-government in industry’. It imagined a future socialist transformation as a potentially peaceful and democratic process. Yet its intellectual richness did not confer lasting influence: its period of prominence was brief, and its obvious legacies comparatively meagre.This paper traces the rise and fall of ‘guild socialism’ as a revealing episode in the history of the labour movement’s encounter with ‘democracy’. It has three aims. First, to recover the circumstances that provoked the movement’s emergence: the consolidation of and rapid disenchantment with trade unions and labour parties; the disruptive political energy released by a transnational network dedicated to ‘direct action’; and the mediating and accommodative possibilities offered by an apparently liberal political order. Second, to reconstruct the movement’s key ideas, especially its sensitive if still incomplete exploration of the possible relationship between ‘political’ and ‘industrial’ democracy. Third, to explain the movement’s decline, driven by the complexities of factionalism and institutional competition; the disconnection between leading guild socialists and rank-and-file workers; the efforts of state elites to selectively incorporate parts of its program; and the greater prestige of a then little-understood Bolshevism.In a conclusion, the paper ponders the movement’s relative marginalisation from historical memory. It also considers its enduring historical import: first, its enunciation of the centrality of a fully-imagined ‘democracy’, industrial as well as political; second, its illustration of the practical difficulties in pursuing such an ambitious and expansive vision. The paper is transnational, in its consideration of exchanges between Britain and Australia, and its wider attention to global socialist and syndicalist currents and connections. It is comparative, in its attempt to document and explain similarities and differences between Britain and Australia.
Transforming capitalism: Prefigurative economy, abolishment, and transference in historical organisation for economic democracy

Authors:

Sebastian Svenberg
University of Gothenburg
sebastian.svenberg@socav.gu.se
The paper is about historical attempts for economic democracy that occurred in United Kingdom between 1826–1923, with a focus on the recognized patterns of institutional change that doesn’t necessarily dissolve capitalism but transforms economic and social relations. The main theme throughout the paper is about the historical differentiation between the economic and the political and how this distinction have conditioned democracy as an ideal and practice. The objective is to explore economic democracy as a practice for the transformation of capitalism, an exploration that 1) shed light on the history of early socialism, cooperative production, women’s liberation, and guild socialism, 2) inform current strivings for a rethinking of democracy, especially in light of the climate crisis. More than any other crisis, climate change is defining for our time, and a new reason to look towards economic democracy is that one can find viewpoints about what is produced, in addition to the more familiar question how something is produced and by whom. Democracy in the economic sphere revolves around decision-making, and economic democracy is thereby also a connection between the past, the present and the future, in terms of temporality and (destructive) consequences of economic action. The contribution of the paper consists of historical findings that are combined with concepts of institutional change, a combination that relies on a careful consideration for how ideas about change and transformation are appearing in the journals. The material is at the same time analysed from a perspective showing just how transformation of capitalism has been thought of throughout the emergence of economic democracy as a concept.

12:30–13:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 203

1. Workers, Labour and Labour History in Modern Central-East Europe

WG1. Workers, Labour and Labour History in Modern Central-EAst Europe meeting

Meeting of the WG

12:30–13:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 208

10. Military Labour

WG10. Military History

WG meeting

12:30–13:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 219

17. Labour Migration History

WG17. Labour Migration History meeting

WG meeting

12:30–13:30

Tuesday, June 16 (morning)

Classroom: 204

18. Working Group Arctic and Indigenous Labour

WG18. Working Group Artic and Indigenous Labour meeting

WG meeting

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 207

7. Labour and Family Economy

(II) Care Work. Historical Perspectives beyond the home

Chair: Raffaella Sarti

raffaella.sarti@uniurb.it

University of Urbino Carlo Bo

Discussants:

Carmen Sarasúa
Carmen.Sarasua@uab.cat
Universitat Autónoma de Barcelona

This session brings together five papers on the history of care work that was performed outside of the home and beyond the traditional figure of the housewife. While care is often assumed to be a private, domestic responsibility historically carried out by women within the household, this panel seeks to explore a broader and more complex landscape of care practices in preindustrial societies and in the long nineteenth century, including the early decades of the twentieth century.

The focus of this panel is on what we term “care externalities”: the diffusion of care responsibilities across a wider community or institutional framework, including paid, unpaid, or reciprocally arranged labor that supported dependents such as the elderly, children, the ill, or the disabled.

Over time, especially from the nineteenth century onward, the expectation that families should bear full responsibility for their dependent members began to grow. This shift was reflected in emerging civil codes, constitutions, and family laws that increasingly formalized caregiving as a familial obligation. The state’s role in regulating, supporting, or replacing familial care also expanded, creating new forms of public and institutional care, often influenced by gendered and class-based assumptions about caregiving roles.

We aim to foster dialogue across geographic and chronological boundaries, who can illuminate how care was externalized, shared, institutionalized, and negotiated in various historical settings.

ORGANIZERS

Cristina Borderías
cborderiasm@ub.edu
Universitat de Barcelona
Raffaella Sarti
raffaella.sarti@uniurb.it
University of Urbino Carlo Bo
Multiple Care Strategies: Families, Kinfolk, Step-Families, Wet Nurses, Servants and Institutions. The Italian Case in Comparative Perspective (18th-20th c.)

Authors:

Cora Benetti
Università di Urbino Carlo Bo
cora.benetti@uniurb.it

Authors:

Raffaella Sarti
Università di Urbino Carlo Bo
raffaella.sarti@uniurb.it
Although several studies today focus on care, research encompassing all the strategies that families used to overcome the challenges of caring for children, the sick and the elderly is still limited. Based on a variety of sources, mainly from Urbino in Italy, this paper will demonstrate the range of possibilities, showing that family ties, relationships with relatives, paid services and charitable institutions were all used to provide care. In this sense, families were not isolated from wider networks. For many families, this implied a high degree of integration of 'private' and 'public', as well as internal and external, forms of care. More generally, the paper highlights important links between families, the market, and institutions. As Italy is often considered a country where care was exclusively the responsibility of the family, our research challenges such a prejudiced representation of the Italian case and contributes to a better understanding of the commonalities and differences between different European regions.
The Monetization of Care Work and the Single Female Wage Earner in the Nineteenth-Century Lowell System, 1823-1860

Authors:

Maura Doherty
Ph.D. Independent Scholar
madoher@yahoo.com

Authors:

This work reimagines and reinterprets the company boardinghouse system and wage work in the early nineteenth-century pioneering mill town of Lowell, Massachusetts U.S.A. which relied heavily on single female wage workers. Most studies of the boardinghouse system, boardinghouse keepers, and the large female labor force at Lowell focus on paternalism and moral control of the so-called mill girls. This work, however, places the boardinghouse keeper and house into the context of the monetization of care work which accompanied and enabled single women and single men to work long hours for wages. Utilizing qualitative evidence and quantitative data, it makes a new intervention into studying the role of the boardinghouse keeper and the concomitant rise of the paid care economy in the growth of the Lowell economy from 1823-1860. The industrial economy of this thriving textile town was itself made possible by the removal of the unpaid labor of one group of women from their household economy in exchange for wage work. Many of these women returned some of these wages to their families, replacing their mostly unpaid care work with cash as their contribution to their family economy. Without the care services offered to these women and single men by company boardinghouse keepers and enterprising women who offered domestic services for a fee, women’s regular and disciplined labor in the industrial economy would have been more difficult if not impossible. The monetization of domestic care work among different sets of female workers existed in a reciprocal relationship embedded in the economic structure and cultural economy. Without the monetization of care work, the Lowell mill system’s heavy reliance on female laborers would have been less profitable, less stable, and perhaps impossible without external care work performed by other groups of working women. The institutional support to provide care work for women workers and the arrival of enterprising women selling domestic services marked an important component of the Lowell system. This case study sheds light on the historical forms taken by the family economy in a specific economic, geographical and institutional context, but has implications for developing regions across time and place.
«Everyone will be provided with work». Coercive care work at the Casa de Caridad in Barcelona (19th Century)

Authors:

Tura Tusell Latorre
Universitat de Barcelona
turatusell@ub.edu

Authors:

Throughout the 19th century, the liberal state's absenteeism in matters of social welfare, coupled with the dismantling of the communal institutions of the early modern period, placed the burden of care provision almost exclusively upon families . When families were unable to fulfil this role, the welfare network inherited from the medieval and early modern periods (hospitals, foundling homes, asylums, houses of mercy, etc.) sought to assume this function through the institutionalisation of the poor and the destitute. These institutions operated as an institutionalised extension of the family, providing residents with accommodation, food, clothing, bedding, education, and instruction. As such, they played a central role in the social organisation of care, ensuring the social reproduction of the most impoverished segments of the population. However, we know very little about how care work was organised within these institutions: who carried out the various tasks, under what labour relations, and whether this work was remunerated. This paper aims precisely to investigate these issues focusing on the Casa de Caridad in Barcelona. Founded in 1802, it was the city’s main asylum throughout the 19th century, responsible for caring for impoverished dependants (the disabled, the elderly, and the feeble-minded) and the children of pauperised families unable to care for them. The number of residents housed in the Casa de Caridad ranged from 1,000 to 2,500 between 1800 and 1900. The care of such a large institutionalised population required a substantial amount of care labour. My aim is to analyse the extent to which this labour was delegated to the inmates themselves through coercive work arrangements, by examining the internal organisation and gendered division of care work. While the productive labour of inmates in the workshops set up within such institutions has been widely studied, far less attention has been paid to the care services they also performed—services that were essential to the institution’s daily functioning. I intend to explore which groups undertook which care tasks, whether they were remunerated for this work, and under what conditions it was performed. The question of remuneration emerges as a key issue, as the unpaid or poorly paid nature of some of this labour may have contributed to the economic viability of institutions facing chronic financial difficulties. I will examine the archival records of the Casa de Caridad. Specifically, the institution’s regulations detail the work assigned to inmates; the minutes of the institution’s governing board reveal important aspects of its day-to-day operation; and various financial documents (payrolls, budgets, accounts, etc.) provide insight into the remuneration of this labour.
The State and Trade Union Policies toward Domestic Service. Barcelona 1900-1939

Authors:

Mònica Borrell-Cairol
Universitat de Barcelona
monicaborrell@ub.edu

Authors:

Domestic service in Spain, even today, is synonymous with precariousness. To understand why this situation persists, we must analyze it from a historical perspective. In Spain, the first state intervention in labor relations, which began in 1900, excluded domestic service from all regulation. This exclusion was one of the key factors contributing to the precariousness, as it left service domestic outside legal protection. Faced with this situation, the trade unions movement chose to advocate for the transfer of male occupations into sectors regulated by labor legislation, rather than organizing the entire domestic service sector. Likewise, union policies marginalized the defense of working conditions and unionization of domestic workers until the 1930s. Thus, union inattention was another key factor in the precariousness of the sector. The aim of this communication is to analyze the discourse and policies of first state interventionism and the trade unions and Catholic social unionism in relation to this labor sector. A sector that, at the beginning of the last century, in Barcelona—as in other Spanish and European cities—was highly feminized, composed of young women from working-class backgrounds who lived in their employers' households. Various sources will be used, such as the worker’s press, the general press, legislation, and judicial documentation.
The socio-economic logics underpinning non-domestic caregiving arrangements

Authors:

Claudia De Martino
C2DH, University of Luxembourg
claudia.demartino@uni.lu

Authors:

-
Nowadays, Luxembourg is a high-income country with a strong social security system and welfare expenditure (21.9% of GDP). It is also a leader in child extra-home care, offering a wide array of facilities to cater for all needs, with coverage almost all year round and seven days a week. However, many reforms date back to the 2000s and were greatly influenced thereafter by the launch of the EU Lisbon Agenda (2000). Previously, Luxembourg, a small Catholic country, had resisted major societal change despite the pressing needs of its growing immigrant working population. Kindergartens had been introduced in 1963 but were left to the initiative of individual municipalities. Working women were still looked down on and labelled as bad mothers. Indeed, most children in need of extra-family care were the children of blue-collar immigrant workers employed in the mines and steel factories. They relied heavily on the charity of Catholic congregations and the government showed little to no interest in meeting the needs of those foreign workers. However, in 1973, a major crisis hit the steel industry, and the government was forced to restructure the economy substantially, transferring the bulk of resources to the tertiary sector. This shift to the service economy was so successful that the new labour market began to create more jobs than the workers available (a 3.4% rate of annual job creation rate). Initially, the government relied on immigrants to fill all positions, but it soon began to encourage national women to enter the labour market. Luxembourgish women, who had only been granted equal rights in 1974, began to pursue careers in the highly lucrative tertiary sector, which was driven by the financial market. This made the issue of childcare a pressing social issue for society as a whole, pushing the government to provide both institutional and informal childcare to support women “s employment rates at a time when even Catholic congregational human resources were drying up and the Church could no longer dominate the social sector. From then on, Luxembourg embarked on a series of reforms aimed at boosting childcare (private nurseries, parental assistants, public kindergartens) and social protection measures to support women in employment (the “maternity allowance”, the “guaranteed minimum income”, the “framework initiative on family support”, the “educational allowance”, and the “pre-school framework plan”). Finally, in 1998, the government issued the first comprehensive law supporting all service providers, both private and public, providing any care service in the social sector. This was followed by new provisions allowing the state to cover all costs to offer universal, high-quality childcare services all day long, with limited charges. The Luxembourg case study shows that, despite a conservative legacy of opposition to childcare outside the family, economic factors took precedence and drove major societal change. The highly developed system in place today was never the result of clear political engagement in favour of women’s and individual autonomy but rather the product of an economic revolution forcing the government to significantly modernize its social sector.

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 205

7. Labour and Family Economy

(I) Care work. Counting and understanding care work and domestic work in the societies of the past

Chair: Sarti Raffaella

raffaella.sarti@uniurb.it

University of Urbino (Italy)

Discussants:

Sarti Raffaella
raffaella.sarti@uniurb.it
University of Urbino (Italy)

One of the most frequently recurring themes in contemporary debate identifies western societies of liberal capitalism with widespread phenomena of commodification of care, domestic and reproductive labour. This means that Western women are considered to have given up or strongly reduced their commitment to these tasks. The problem is that this work is actually absolutely indispensable for the survival of the societies and, as a consequence, the demand of labour force is always very high. This is why, as shown by research, despite the hardness of the work and the low wages, this economic sector is very attractive – and actually one of the few employment opportunities – for migrant women and men coming to Western Europe from the world’s poor countries.
Although crucial, the ongoing debate about care work, domestic work and reproductive labour in contemporary societies is not exhaustive and does not tell the whole story. When we analyse the problem from a labour history perspective, we have to acknowledge that these tasks and activities were crucial also for preindustrial societies and that, even in the past, there was a large and ever-growing demand for this kind of jobs. Classical economic and social history has always emphasised the work dynamics of the craft and the manufacturing sector (i.e. studies about guilds, industrialization etc..) while, on the contrary, it has taken the existence of the service sector for granted, neglecting a detailed analysis of it. As a consequence, the nature and the economic and social value of this range of jobs is still quite opaque and need further in-depth investigation.

The present panel aims to bring together research and papers discussing the extent and the content of the care work, domestic work and reproductive work in a gender perspective, across different social, economic, cultural and politic contexts. The main goal is to increase our knowledge about these services and activities in the societies of the past.

This session addresses the great variety of care activities and domestic works, from nursing and healing ill people or disabled people, babies, children and elderly, to shopping and supplying goods to the house, preparing and cooking food and meals, from sewing and mending clothes and linen, to doing the laundry and the cleaning-up of the house, describing the materiality of these tasks, the workplaces, the time allocated for each task.
It brings together papers that tackled the nature of the care work and domestic work for the societies of the past; the differences between women and men working into this specific segment of the labour market; the tasks and activities concretely performed (equipment or tools; places of work etc..). Papers will ask also how we can count and quantify these tasks. Finally the papers will ask to what extent specific models of femininity and masculinity influenced care work and domestic work performed by women and men.

ORGANIZERS

Zucca Micheletto Beatrice
beatrice.zucca@unito.it
University of Turin (Italy)
Taxonomies of Work in Late Medieval Legal Thought. (Italy, XII-XIV)

Authors:

Rinaldi Ferri Benedetta
CRH-EHESS (France)
benedettarinaldiferri@gmail.com
Legal historians have long examined the forms that Medieval and Early Modern jurists deployed to regulate the exchange of labour in their own time (Conte, 2024; Id., 1995; Bellomo, 1983). Ancient societies devised a vast range of institutions to regulate latter (contracts, servitudes and an array of rights in rem), according to different principles (stipulation, property etc.), and across varying degrees of freedom as permitted to the worker (Cazzetta, 2023; Bonazza & Ongaro, 2018). Nevertheless, these variable dispensations were all ultimately concerned with the same phenomenon, namely, work itself. While mostly valid, this view tends to disregard the fact that a unified, fungible and generic notion of work (lavoro) scarcely impinged on the consciousness of late-medieval and early-modern actors. Rather, ancient minds tended to see the matter through the lens of the pluralistic and highly contentious conceptual framework (operae). A passage from Bartolus de Saxoferrato on the operae libertorum, which is likely the most extended attempt to classify them, raises many questions Bartolus de Saxoferrato ad D. 12.6.26.12, ed. Diplovatatius, 1526). Departing from the established doctrine (Hugo, Bassianus, Azo, Accursius), Bartolus devises a fourfold distinction of operae: (i) fabriles, (ii) artificiales (artisanal and skilled services), (iii) obsequiales (unskilled or deferential tasks), and (iv) officiales, which he considers to depend on the persons performing and receiving such work, “such as one who serves a master at table, in his chamber, or accompanies him across land” (servire uni domino in mensa, in camera, associare eum per terram), and vary according to the persons involved (variantur varietate personae). Bartolus’ discussion is not merely speculative. His classification reflects a shared and long-standing effort to elaborate distinct regimes of labour exchange. The fabriles and artificiales might be discharged satisfactorily through stipulatory instruments; the officiales, by contrast, were conceived as belonging to the domain of natural, non-recoverable obligations. Nor is the sedes materiae without significance, since it concerns the services of the liberti, i.e. a census of the population progressively disengaging from former masters. There one sees an effort to seize the realities of labour markets as a jurist of the period might apprehend them. These conceptual tools would circulate widely in early modern legal doctrine, helping to frame later elaborations on domestic and market-related labour.
Caring in the City: Women’s Work and Gendered Differences in Early Modern Naples

Authors:

Gallego Manzanares Verónica
Complutense University of Madrid
gallego.manzanares@gmail.com
This study explores the world of care in the city of Naples between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries through a combined quantitative and qualitative approach, with particular attention to the gender, age, and family status differences that shaped these activities. Care is presented here as an essential economic practice, embedded in social tensions, relations of dependency, and affective hierarchies. The analysis traces the life paths of women from diverse social backgrounds and age groups — from young, often precariously employed domestic servants to seasoned matrons with recognised roles in their communities — who undertook a wide range of tasks, including companionship, nursing, childbirth assistance, childcare, cleaning, and cooking. These roles, while often overlooked informal records, were central to the social and economic fabric of early modern urban life.A central focus of the study is the generational dimension of care work. While young women, often unmarried or widowed and lacking resources, were employed as domestic servants in other households, accepting precarious conditions in exchange for food and shelter, older women occupied a different status, particularly when acting as midwives or overseeing reproductive health. This differentiation involved not only different types of tasks, but also unequal levels of autonomy, recognition, and exposure to violence or abuse. Younger women were especially vulnerable to overwork, as well as to forms of sexual and emotional exploitation — phenomena well documented in numerous judicial testimonies.The study also compares the role of women with that of men who performed care-related tasks, such as barbers or surgeons. Although these men were a minority compared to the women engaged in care work, their presence was associated with technical knowledge, better pay and professional legitimacy, in stark contrast to the informality and lack of recognition surrounding the tasks performed by women. This asymmetry reveals not only a gendered division of labour, but also an unequal distribution of prestige and institutional protection within the care economy.Drawing on a close reading of judicial testimonies and notarial documentation, this paper highlights the spaces, relationships and work trajectories that escape fiscal or guild-based records. It seeks to demonstrate how care work cut across multiple spheres — economic, domestic, affective, and communal. Ultimately, the study calls for a reconsideration of care work in the pre-industrial period, viewing it as a key analytical category for understanding gender- and age-based inequalities in early modern Mediterranean urban societies. By placing these experiences at the centre of the analysis, the study not only illuminates a structural dimension of the urban economy, but also recovers the voices of those who, under unequal conditions, sustained the everyday life of the city.
Wet Nursing in Catalonia (18th–19th Centuries): Between Care Work and Domestic Labour

Authors:

Mutos-Xicola Céline
Universitat de Barcelona (Spain)
cmutos@ub.edu
This paper explores the role of wet nurses in Catalonia during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, focusing on both charitable institutions and private households. The period under study represents a key transitional moment in the definition and social perception of this occupation. Wet nursing sat at the crossroads of care work and domestic labour, with a distinctive feature: many nurses remained in their own homes while caring for the children entrusted to them. Charitable institutions, such as foundling hospitals and orphanages, relied heavily on contracted wet nurses to care for abandoned or illegitimate infants. These arrangements typically involved paying rural or urban women to breastfeed and raise the children in their own homes until weaning age. Institutional records often reveal standardized contracts, payment systems, and careful surveillance of the nurses’ health and morals. These sources also highlight the importance of wet nursing as an income-generating strategy for poor women and families, particularly in times of economic hardship or in regions affected by agricultural crises. At the same time, private demand for wet nurses grew significantly among the urban bourgeoisie and wealthy families. Employing a wet nurse was a status symbol and a means of safeguarding the health of the mother and child in an era of high infant mortality. Yet unlike live-in servants, many Catalan wet nurses continued to reside in their own villages or neighbourhoods. This created a hybrid employment arrangement—partly “domestic” in its social and gendered framing, yet geographically flexible and only semi-integrated into the employer’s household. By analysing contracts, institutional archives, legal frameworks, and contemporary medical discourse, this paper examines how wet nursing was regulated, moralised, and professionalised during this period. It traces how authorities and employers imposed controls over nurses’ bodies and behaviours, framing them as both maternal substitutes and paid workers. It also considers the agency of the nurses themselves: how they negotiated contracts, combined nursing with other forms of work (such as farming or textile production), and used this occupation as a means of social mobility or survival. This transitional period also saw debates over childcare, maternal duties, and social responsibility evolve in parallel with broader transformations in the family economy, gender relations, and labour markets. The paper argues that wet nursing in Catalonia cannot be reduced to simple domestic service or “natural” care. Instead, it occupied a distinctive space within the labour market—mediated by gendered ideologies, economic need, and institutional oversight. By situating wet nursing within the intersection of care work, domestic labour, and charity, the study sheds light on the diversity of women's work in early modern and nineteenth-century Catalonia. It invites us to reconsider how so-called “informal” or “intimate” labour was in fact systematically structured, negotiated, and regulated, and how it contributed to the survival strategies of women and their families in a rapidly changing society. Ultimately, this paper contributes to a broader historiographical conversation about the commodification of care, the gendered division of labour, and the complex role of charitable institutions in shaping labour relations and social policy in modern Europe.
“I dont’ have a specific trade but I can mend and do other domestic affaires”. Housework, carework in Turin

Authors:

Zucca Micheletto Beatrice
University of Turin (Italy)
beatrice.zucca@unito.it
This paper aims to discuss the nature and the content of the domestic work, housework and carework perfomed in early modern Turin and its outskirts by relying on the verb-oriented method and its recent applications (Ågren 2011; Whittle & Hailwood 2018). Evidence is collected from the loquacious interrogation registers of the criminal court of the Vicariato (availbale only for the laste decade of the eighteenth-century, 1792-1799). The Vicariato was a Turinese magistracy responsible for controlling vagrants, beggars and foreigners, and with jurisdiction over petty crime, theft, receiving stolen goods, prostitution etc.. By analising the work tasks collected through the verb-oriented methodology, the paper will analyse the content of the care work and domestic work performed by women and men. A special attention will be paid to the the marital status and age of individuals. Moreover my analysis will focus on the places where this kind of work was performed and the moment of the day this happened. In addition, by presenting qualitative exemples, the paper will address the asymmetries and imbalance of power often at the base of the domestic and care work, within the couple and/or between different members of the family, and between masters and living-in or external workers and subordinates. Qualitative analysis will allow also to point out how domestic work and care work were embedded in other jobs, such as crafts and manufacturing, commerce and management activities, revealing therefore how domestic and care work were ubiqituous activities, although enjoying scarse social and economic value. The last part of the paper will widenth our understanding of domestic work and care work by focusing on the labels used by men and women to describe themselves before the Vicariato, and by focusing on the words used by individuals to describe the domestic and care work tasks.
« Ah, combien notre amour maternel est imparfait ici bas! » - Women’s Unseen Work and Revolutionary Motherhood in 1848

Authors:

Morosan Ioana
Research Institute of the University of Bucharest (Romania)
morosan.gyongyi@gmail.com
The context of the 1848 uprisings highlights the limits of women’s access to professional occupations, influenced by revolutionary ideas about the role of family and women in the Principality of Wallachia. The exile after the suppression of the uprisings led families to move abroad to Paris, Vienna, or Brussels, which affected the gendered division of labour. Interactions among revolutionary families from Wallachia, Transylvania, France, and Belgium show how revolutionary discourse impacted motherhood and women's roles, depending on local perceptions of family and maternal responsibilities. Therefore, the research aims to identify key ideas and authors that inspired revolutionary thought to expand the role of mothers in caring for and educating their children within a political framework. It also examines mothers’ attitudes toward these new roles and how they accepted or rejected them. The case study focuses on women involved in the 1848 revolts as partners of the Wallachian revolutionaries, such as Maria Rosetti (1819-1893), Pia Brătianu (1841-1920), Zinca Golescu (1792-1879), and Adèle Dumesnil (1829-1854). The primary sources include intimate correspondence and magazine articles written by these women on maternal experience, children’s education, and household work. This study argues that the revolutionary discourse of 1848 both expanded and constrained women's roles, as ideals of maternal responsibility were mobilized to justify their pivotal housework and exclusion from professional and public life Mothers’ responsibilities, which acquired a totalizing character at the time, such as breastfeeding and overseeing education, were viewed as a social norm. Yet, they often lacked the support or resources to fully realize the maternal role, a fact that affects them and makes them feel worthless. Women's access to the public sphere was not only guaranteed by legislation and increased opportunities but also by their work within the family, which was transformed into a social mission and a public discourse via magazines, writings, etc. The research consists of two major parts: firstly, I attempt to identify how studies such as Louis Aimé Martin’s book (The Education of Mothers [De l'éducation des mères de familles, ou de la civilisation du genre humain], first published in 1834, and translated into Romanian in the 1840s) and others influenced women’s perception concerning their expanded role as mother and housekeeper; and secondly, how they publicly speak about intimate aspects of women’s life in the first magazines dedicated to motherhood and household occupations. On the other hand, the study follows how their male revolutionary partners vehiculated the theories regarding the role of mothers and how that influenced the public discourse. The research begins with fundamental questions about women's conditions and access to professional life during their apparent emancipation. The analysis asks: How has the definition of domestic work evolved? How has the definition of motherhood broadened? And to what extent did women's ambitions for progress and emancipation during that period mask practices that restricted their access to the public sphere and socially accepted professional roles that could provide socio-economic mobility and prestige?Keywords: women’s work, motherhood, childrearing, housework, teaching, uprisings, the Revolution of 1848, Romanian Principalities, exclusion.
Beyond Counting: A Critical History of Poverty, Inequality, and Domestic Work in 20th-Century Chile

Authors:

Brito-Peña Alejandra
Universidad de Concepción (Chile)
abrito@udec.cl
This paper examines the historical dynamics of unpaid domestic and care work in Chile during the 20th century, with a dual focus: first, on quantifying and monetizing unpaid labor to assess its impact on poverty measurement, and second, on critically evaluating the theoretical limitations of this approach. Traditional poverty metrics—absolute, relative, and multidimensional—have systematically excluded unpaid care work, particularly that performed by women, obscuring the gendered structures underpinning economic survival and social reproduction. Drawing on the Household Surveys and complemented by reports from the Ministry of Health, Labor, and Social Welfare, this study estimates the economic value of unpaid domestic work using methodologies from the Levy Economics Institute and feminist economics. By imputing monetary value to hours spent on caregiving, cooking, cleaning, and other reproductive tasks—whether calculated via market replacement cost or opportunity cost—the research reveals how women’s unpaid contributions underpinned household economies in mid-20th-century Chile. The analysis highlights significant findings: Gendered poverty trajectories: Women were consistently poorer than men in income-based metrics, and this disparity deepens when unpaid labor is monetized, revealing “hidden poverty” among women juggling paid employment and extensive care obligations. Inequality patterns: Inequality among men was higher than among women, but male workers disproportionately benefited from unpaid reproductive labor within households. Beyond these quantitative insights, the paper also presents a critical theoretical discussion: while monetizing unpaid labor is a necessary step to make care work visible in public policy and historical metrics, it risks reproducing the same economic paradigms that have historically devalued care. The act of measurement itself employs tools—such as monetary valuation and market equivalence—that belong to the structures it seeks to critique. This raises the question: can we fully understand the role of care work using the language and metrics of the system that marginalizes it? We argue that historical analyses of care must move beyond quantification to situate unpaid domestic work within broader socio-economic and gendered structures, acknowledging its centrality to both household survival and the accumulation of capital. Methodologically, this project combines quantitative analysis of household surveys (processed with RStudio to calculate poverty and inequality indices adjusted for care work) with qualitative coding of ministerial reports and press discourses (using ATLAS.ti) to trace representations of care and poverty. By integrating empirical measurement with critical reflection, this study contributes to global debates on the political economy of care. It calls for a historiography of poverty and inequality that not only measures unpaid labor but also challenges the conceptual boundaries between “productive” and “reproductive” work.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 204

4. Feminist Labour History

Gender, class and work in particularly demanding and hostile spaces

Chair: Natalia Jarska

njarska@ihpan.edu.pl

Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences

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ORGANIZERS

Eloisa Betti
eloisa.betti@unipd.it
University of Padua
Natalia Jarska
njarska@ihpan.edu.pl
Institute of History, Polish Academy of Sciences
A space to fight, equally. The difficult path of women in Italy's Armed Forces and Police

Authors:

Liliosa Azara
Roma Tre University
liliosa.azara@uniroma3.it
Women in the Italian armed forces and police face an enduring paradox: while they defend and uphold public safety, the institutions to which they belong often fail to protect them physically, psychologically, and socially. The legislation integrating women into the Police Force dates back to 1980, while their entry into the armed forces was only legislated in 1999. Men and women coexisting in spaces conceived exclusively for males has triggered political, institutional, and legislative debates, echoed in public discourse portraying gender-mixed environments as an obstacle to a broader social and occupational “revolution.” Despite the legislation, critical shortcomings persist. The shared workplaces - barracks, patrol units, training centres - are pervasively characterised by male-dominated culture, inadequate infrastructure, and scarce safe, supportive environments, often exposing women to abuse, discrimination, harassment, and stress without systematic recourse. Outdated facilities constitute a safety risk, with mixed dormitories, insufficient secure lockers and sanitary spaces creating daily vulnerabilities. Psychological safety is equally jeopardised by hierarchical cultures where reporting abuse can compromise careers; minimal oversight of gender-based microaggressions, and scarcely available counselling all compound harm. Women - particularly mothers and new parents - are acutely affected. Lacking gender-responsive infrastructure - on-site daycare, flexible scheduling, and lactation rooms - forces women to choose between service and motherhood. Requests for maternity leave, early childcare, or facilitated breastfeeding are stigmatised. This work/life conflict reveals a critical, gendered and spatial injustice: public service is performed in unsafe and exclusionary private spaces. The persistence of these inequities undermines recruitment, retention, and women’s ability to serve fully. This paper contributes to feminist labour history by investigating how conditions and organisation of security-sector workplaces in contemporary Italy actively perpetuate gender hierarchies and spatial injustice. It explores the interplay between the mentioned legislation, workplace infrastructure, workplace culture, and care work - noting that private reproductive responsibilities bleed into the professional sphere. Drawing on qualitative interviews with female soldiers, police officers and Carabinieri, along with institutional reviews, and activist reports, the study highlights three critical dimensions: unsafe spatial design; lacking care infrastructure; and a culture of silence. The parliamentary activity that started in the 1970s provoked three decades of debate, indicative of the power of the new feminisms. Some feminist positions question whether mass female entry into traditionally male professions is inherently emancipatory. The difficulties and debates that followed women into the armed forces, especially around equal opportunity and gender issues, offer a chance to critically revisit a perspective that, occasionally, has even appeared anti-feminist. This inquiry is equally relevant beyond Italy. Labour conditions where state-institutions militarize space but fail to democratize it do not recognise frontiers. In the spirit of “bread and roses,” women demand not only a seat at the table or a place in the barracks, but dignity, care, and protection in the full spectrum of their professional and private lives.
Gendered perspectives on Titanic stewardesses: “sea life was not the setting for a normal woman”

Authors:

Justine Cousin
University of Caen (Normandie)
cousinhg@gmail.com
The 20 Titanic stewardesses have long been forgotten in academic works. This work developed from the end of the 19th century as major shipping companies took a new interest in passengers, especially in women who travelled alone, as they thought that they had to be taken care of by fellow women. Most of them were not professional maritime workers as it was considered innate; they did not need any training for care work of women with different tasks depending on the three departments in which they worked. They belonged to the least-loved ship department aboard steamships and were unskilled low-waged workers with physical and psychological tasks transmitting middle-class standards. Housekeeping and personal service were deemed feminine and the stewardesses had a specific uniform like nurses to be noticed by the other passengers and members of the crew. They had to follow a rigid discipline from the shipping company and the official authorities as members of the crew. Working on a ship was particularly demanding as women were a minority but their duties challenged the masculine assumptions of the seafaring community and patriarchal society of the Edwardian era. As such stewardesses suffered from a horizontal and vertical segregation; they had very few possibilities of internal promotion as women workers. Stewardesses were different from stewards as they were older and often single or widowed. They did not all come from seafaring areas and they may wish to look for work instead of emigrating to some foreign places, sometimes also influenced by juvenile literature describing adventurous girls. Similarly to other crew members, stewardesses were recruited based on their previous experiences, reports from officers on their character and work, and physical appearance. Any male or female crew had better know how to read and write since stewardesses especially had to manage the list of their female passengers – contrary to deck or engine colonial crew. They had long working hours depending on the passengers, like stewards. Yet they had the same wages as stewards, which was very uncommon in this period – and way higher than for an equivalent land-based position. They were scattered across the ship when they worked and lived next to the women they looked after. Physical separations among various decks prevented both passenger and crew from coming and going as they may wish to. Consequently, social hierarchies of the late Edwardian period were similarly reproduced aboard – as it would have been the case in most ships of this era. Most of them accepted these conventional social and moral standards. Many stewardesses survived since they were first considered as women and second as crew members. However, they were after blamed by passengers for not giving up their seats in lifeboats to other passengers and considered as unheroic crew members. Men who had sacrificed themselves were meanwhile heavily praised while women were overall saved because of their gender. It was quite contradictory with the contemporary suffragist claim for equality between men and women. After the sinking, most Titanic stewardesses did not talk or write that much about their experience, apart from Violet Jessop, who complained about being ignored and decided then to write her memoirs. Some of them kept working as stewardesses for a more or less long time while others decided to stay ashore for good.
‘In the galley, only me’: changing space, hierarchy and gendered work in maritime labour

Authors:

Diane Kirkby
University of Technology Sydney
diane.kirkby@uts.edu.au
In 1907 a new Australian union of Marine Cooks was founded, signalling the category of specialist marine cook had come into being following legislation in the UK and Australia. Once the union was registered under the Commonwealth Court of Conciliation and Arbitration and a ‘marine cooks’ industrial award was granted, the job of marine cook was union-defined, gendered masculine, and open only to those the union accepted as members. This did not include women whose employment on ships was confined to being a stewardess, at first in control of the separate space of ‘the ladies cabin’, later as part of the stewards’ domain. Nor did it include the non-unionised commercial fishing industry where women could work as cooks on any boat prepared to hire them. In the merchant shipping world of men, ships were spatially differentiated workplaces according to whether work was services done for passengers or crewing, and union organisation reflected this hierarchy. Demarcation was rigidly enforced and class differentiation and hierarchies of power were constantly reinforced, e.g through officers receiving services and superior meals to that of deck crew. The men who did the catering controlled their own space, empowered by their work being now recognised as critical to crew morale and health, and enshrined in law and legally binding industrial awards, differentiated from the feminised service work of stewards. That the unions controlled the hiring had implications for women’s access to the working spaces of the maritime. As an official of the Marine Cooks union declared in 1946, “we shall never see women workers in these jobs on ships on the Australian coast". That union opposition had changed by the end of the century, but the male domination of the industry continued. Women who signed on were seriously outnumbered among the crew in all departments, and being isolated as the only woman in the catering department, ‘in the galley, only me’ was not unusual. Based on archival research and oral histories, this paper tracks the gendering of marine cooks and the impact of changes on women’s maritime labour history, as “in the galley, only me” was given meaning as a space of empowerment in the spatial hierarchy of the maritime workplace.
Working in the Heat: Gendered Emotional Labour and Women’s Experiences in Sauna

Authors:

Jordi Valentini
Independent Researcher
jordi.valentini@gmail.com
This paper investigates how women experience emotional labour, embodiment, and interpersonal dynamics in sauna-based wellness work across diverse cultural contexts. While the spa industry has been increasingly studied as a site of gendered and precarious labour (Frost 2021, 2023), the sauna – particularly as a performative, body-exposing, and emotionally charged environment – remains underexplored. Drawing on feminist and psychological frameworks, this mixed-methods study examines the lived experiences of women sauna workers (including cis, trans, and AFAB individuals) across Central and Western Europe, the UK, and North America. These roles include Aufguss masters, ritual facilitators, sauna hosts, and others engaged in guided and sensory sauna practice. This study uses a mixed-methods approach to examine gendered emotional labour in sauna-based work in various cultures. A cross-sectional survey identifies patterns in emotional strain, gender bias, workplace safety, and job satisfaction across diverse cultural and organisational contexts. These findings inform the qualitative phase, shaping semi-structured interview themes and helping to target key areas for deeper exploration into how heat, nudity, and gendered expectations might affect workers’ embodied and emotional experiences. Qualitative data will be analysed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) to explore how participants make meaning of their lived experiences within these contexts. Particular attention is given to the diversity of sauna environments – ranging from grassroots and community-based settings to luxury wellness resorts – and how spatial, social, and cultural factors shape experiences of embodiment, vulnerability, and interpersonal dynamics. The study examines how gendered and class-based norms influence workers’ exposure to inappropriate behaviour, microaggressions, boundary-testing interactions, and differential treatment, as well as the availability of institutional support. It also considers the possible emergence of informal solidarity networks among colleagues in response to these challenges. It is anticipated that the findings will offer insight into how emotional labour is differentially distributed and managed across these settings. This study explores sauna-based wellness settings as distinctive labour environments where physical exposure, heat, ritual performance, and close interpersonal interaction converge. These spatial and sensory conditions create a unique professional context in which emotional regulation, bodily presence, and relational dynamics are intensified. By focusing on women’s experiences within these spaces, the research investigates how gendered expectations may intersect with organisational practices, role boundaries, and support structures. Drawing on both survey and interview data, the study examines how emotional labour is enacted and managed, how workers navigate role-related challenges, and how informal support systems may develop in response to institutional gaps. Through this, the research contributes empirically to the underexplored area of sauna labour and conceptually to broader discussions in gendered care work, embodied service labour, workplace wellbeing, and emotional regulation in high-contact settings. It offers insights relevant to organisational psychology, feminist labour studies, and the sociology of wellness cultures, with potential implications for ethical labour practices and policy development.
“The Worst Piece of Bread Is to Be a Servant”? Polish Women in Forced Domestic Labour During the Second World War: A Class Perspective

Authors:

Marta Pawlińska
University of Warsaw
ma.pawlinska@uw.edu.pl
During the Second World War, approximately 2.2 million Poles were subjected to forced labour under the Third Reich. Among them was an as, yet unknown, number of Polish women - predominantly teenage girls aged 14 to 18 - who toiled as Hausgehilfinnen (housemaids and nannies) in German households. These placements ranged from rural cottages and bourgeois flats to aristocratic estates across occupied Poland, the territories of the Altreich, and Austria. In their post-war accounts (memoirs, oral history interviews, and testimonies), former domestic workers shared a wide range of experiences and varied perspectives on their time in German service. Some recalled trauma, humiliation, and exploitation, while others described unexpected gains: respectful treatment, opportunities to acquire practical skills, and even a sense of social advancement. This paper offers a class-based interpretation of these divergent narratives. Through an analysis of a few selected life stories, I argue that the social class and material background of the women’s families significantly influenced how they perceived and problematised their forced servitude. For girls from impoverished peasant backgrounds, domestic service, even under coercive conditions, could represent an unexpected form of social mobility, granting them a glimpse into worlds previously inaccessible. On the contrary, for girls from middle- or upper-class families, whom had employed domestic staff themselves before the war, such labour constituted a profound social degradation and humiliation. As a counterpoint to Polish-Christian narratives, I include the testimony of a Jewish girl who survived by working in a German household under “false identity papers”. She described feeling “like an artist on a stage,” performing the role of an uneducated, “simple” Polish servant. This persona aligned with Nazi employers’ racial and cultural prejudices, making it a particularly effective survival strategy. By analysing personal narratives, this research underscores the intersection of gender, class, and power in wartime domestic labour. It also highlights a more general conflict that was prevalent in twentieth-century societies: the conflict between those who were born to "have servants" (to delegate work and benefit from the physical labour of others) and those who were "born to serve" (to carry out the delegated jobs).

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 204

4. Feminist Labour History

Gender segregation and stereotypes in workplaces

Chair: Françoise F. Laot

francoise.laot@univ-paris8.fr

Université Paris 8, LIAgE

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ORGANIZERS

Françoise F. Laot
francoise.laot@univ-paris8.fr
Université Paris 8, LIAgE
Eloisa Betti
eloisa.betti@unipd.it
University of Padua
The “Mill Girl” Phenomenon in the Global Textile and Apparel Industry: Uses and Functions of a form of Labour Organization

Authors:

Anusheh Bakht Aziz
University of Göttingen
anushehbakht.aziz@stud.uni-goettingen.de
The large-scale employment of female minors (young unmarried girls) has been a consistently reoccurring feature of the global textile and garment industry. As a modality of organizing factory workforces and a form of labour control, the utilization of the ‘mill girl’ phenomenon – understood here as a quantitative majority of female minors in the factory workforce-- has endured across the centuries because of the adaptability of its form and the heterogeneity of its functions. Despite its characteristic malleability, this phenomenon disappears within a few decades. This article explores the features of the ‘mill girl’ phenomenon in the global textile industry and analyzes the functions and uses of this modality across different cotton industries of the 19th and 20th century. For the 19th century it looks at the cotton factories of Lancashire (UK), New England (United States), Ruhr Region (Germany), and Japan. For the 20th century, it examines the articulation of the phenomenon in the textile industry of China, India, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Vietnam, and Mexico. By locating and juxtaposing the moments of appearance and disappearance of the phenomenon across the aforementioned contexts, this paper aims to establish the significance of this pattern of workforce organization to development of the global cotton industry. More importantly, by comparing these moments, this paper will establish the multiplicity of uses and functions of the phenomenon. These functions will be explored in relation to the general development of the textile workforce, the structure of feminization in the industry, the situation of the labour market and the processes in the factory. In doing so, the paper attempts to move beyond the sociological narratives on feminization of the late 20th century which rely on ‘docility, dexterity, cheapness’ of the worker as an explanation for the widespread employment of women in the textile factories – for such narratives, are not only heavily tinged by the employer’s perspective, but take the reified features of the labor relation and essentialized biological characteristics of the worker for an explanation rather than a starting point of inquiry. This paper will be based on extensive reading of secondary literature, and two months long archival research in Germany and Switzerland.
A ‘woman’s place’ in British settler households: family breadwinning and female factory regulation during the Industrial Revolution in Australia

Authors:

Madeleine Johnston
Australian Manufacturing Workers' Union Granville New South Wales
madeleine.johnston@amwu.org.au
This research investigates reasons for the regulation of females' hours of work in the factory acts of 1873 and 1885 in the British settler colony of Victoria, Australia. In relation to factory legislation, Hartmann famously argued that trade unions acted in solidarity with employers to further the patriarchal interests that arise from men's domination of women. They did this to constrain the choice of paid employment for girls and women. The objective was to confine females to low-paid, unskilled work so they would prefer to remain at home. As part of this strategy, male unions supported factory legislation that restricted the work hours and earning opportunities of females. In turn, employers paid men a wage sufficient to keep the family. However, Hartmann has been challenged by Humphries who contended that unions had little influence on legislation while females were mainly concerned with family welfare and employers competed with each other for survival. While most research has focussed on Britain, a series of studies examined attitudes to female workers during the Industrial Revolution in Victoria where similar debates are apparent. In Victoria, industrialisation was derived from Britain, and in the period of the legislation, most adults had been born in Britain. The focus of this investigation is tailoring, the largest factory-based occupation for females. Textual analysis of multi-source primary data (Royal Commission reports, parliamentary debates, and bills/statutes) was carried out. The reports provided a valuable dataset in which female views were voiced from diverse work-based and household perspectives. Textual analysis involves the rich, thick description (of context, methods, and text), and triangulation of data (by using different sources to form and cross-check accounts). It identified the following patterns in the reports. By the 1870s, most male craft-tailoring was fragmented by employers into cutting, tailoring and pressing. Family wellbeing motivated many females to pursue tailoring, usually as supplementary breadwinners. Although low-paid, tailoring accommodated the household roles of females. It offered training with returns that could be recouped before marriage and later as required. Further, work could be taken home as payment was piece-rate and materials were portable. To acquire tailoring skills, young girls worked as apprentices in factories or in outdoor establishments. The conclusions were as follows. Humphries' critique was supported. Although patriarchal views were widespread, there was no evidence that male skilled unions attempted to restrict females' work hours in an alliance with employers. Instead, family ties were paramount. The female provisions of the factory acts achieved passage mainly because the very features of tailoring that accommodated the household duties of females -- taking work home and outdoor work -- were excluded. Using Hartmann's terminology, where patriarchal motivation was in conflict with employer interests, capitalism won the day. Thus, the laws allowed employers to continue to reap the benefits of a cheap, flexible labour force whose costs they increasingly reduced. Female choice, therefore, was shaped, not by a patriarchal alliance, but by contemporary social norms whereby most females who sought paid employment chose jobs that supported their family breadwinning role.
Gendered Labour Hierarchies and Mobility in the Chocolate Factory. Barcelona, 1910–1936

Authors:

Xavier Jou-Badal
Universitat Pompeu Fabra
xavier.jou@esci.upf.edu
This paper examines how gender shaped labour mobility and internal hierarchies within the factory space of a mid-sized, family-run chocolate manufacturer in Barcelona. While early studies of gendered labour and paternalism focused on British chocolate manufacturers such as Cadbury (Smith et al., 1990) and Rowntree (Fitzgerald, 1995, 1999), Spanish firms have received far less attention in this field. This study contributes a Southern European perspective by analysing how internal segregation and blocked mobility for women persisted across distinct organisational regimes. It draws on four archival snapshots: employee records from 1910 and 1914, documenting the early entry of women into factory work during the initial implementation of scientific management (Jou-Badal, 2024); and two further datasets from 1936—one immediately preceding the Spanish Civil War, and another produced after the collectivisation of the factory under worker control. This comparative framework enables an analysis of how gendered hierarchies in labour mobility evolved, or endured, across industrial modernisation and political rupture. Rather than viewing the factory as a neutral setting for production, the analysis treats it as a space shaped by gendered hierarchies and institutional constraints on labour mobility. Using detailed personnel records, the paper reconstructs the internal trajectories of male and female workers across both the office and the shopfloor. The focus lies on access to employment, the organisation of advancement, and how these patterns were structured by gender, occupational category, and year of entry. The cohort analysis from 1910 and 1914 reveals clear patterns of male progression within the company. In the office, men advanced through formalised categories, moving from auxiliary roles to positions of financial and administrative responsibility. On the shopfloor, they followed technical learning trajectories, beginning as assistants and rising to roles such as machinist, lithographer, or roaster. In contrast, women remained in repetitive dexterity-based tasks such as moulding and packaging, with no internal categories, no documented promotions, and no access to supervisory roles. The same task could be held by a newly hired girl or a woman with twenty years of service. In 1936, this gendered division remained largely intact. While new positions appeared in areas like chromolithography, linked to the appearance of new marketing support tools, female workers continued to be concentrated in support factory roles, and no women held supervisory or coordinative functions. The structure of mobility remained defined by gender rather than skill or seniority. This study contributes to labour history by shifting attention from access to work toward the internal dynamics of mobility and stagnation within a workplace that combined factory and office work. It adds a sectoral perspective by focusing on the food industry, and a geographical one by introducing evidence from Southern Europe. The analysis adopts a microhistorical lens within a small-to-medium enterprise, offering a view into how gendered hierarchies operated in family-run factory context. By tracing labour trajectories across industrialization periods, political and organisational regimes, the paper engages directly with the conference themes of spatial segmentation and gendered inequality.
Care work in the City Council of Barcelona: women, labour, gender and urban spaces

Authors:

Alba Masramon Cruzate
University of Barcelona
albamasramon@ub.edu
During the first three decades of the twentieth century, Barcelona underwent significant social and cultural transformations driven by urban expansion, the influx of new populations from other regions of Spain, and the growth of the service sector, among other factors. This emerging labour market was increasingly occupied by women employed as secretaries, typists, librarians, archivists, and nurses. The City Council of Barcelona has been regarded as the most important municipal corporation in Spain and one of the largest employers of professionals and technicians. In this context, the municipal government became a key agent in the recruitment of technical and liberal professionals and a promoter of socially prestigious, stable, and career-oriented employment opportunities (Gil & Pujadas-Mora, 2024; Zarzoso, 2025). From the late nineteenth century onwards, the continuous increase in public health spending led to an unprecedented mobilisation of municipal resources. Beginning in 1918, with the introduction of the new Civil Servants’ Statute, women were officially allowed for the first time to join the municipal workforce in all roles within the auxiliary category. This paper aims to examine how the Barcelona City Council contributed to the gendered segmentation of the labour market by establishing specific gendered employment relations and perpetuating patriarchal forms of labour organisation. To this end, we will identify the various nursing-related workplaces (hospitals, maternity homes, laboratories, institutes, and clinics), their locations (primarily within the newly constructed city shaped by hygienist ideals), and the characteristics of the work performed in these settings. We will analyse the professional categories available to women, the potential for upward mobility within these roles, and whether limited positions or a simplified organisational structure acted as a glass ceiling for women employed in nursing. By tracing their career trajectories, we aim to shed light on the phenomenon of multiple employment, as many women simultaneously held positions in both the public and private sectors (private clinics and medical offices were abundant in Barcelona). Furthermore, we will explore their working conditions and wages. The sources for this study include the municipal staff registers from 1925, 1930, 1934, and 1942. These registers offer a snapshot of the City Council's workforce, organised by department and professional category, and provide information such as names, job titles, date of appointment, workplace, and date of birth. Additionally, we will analyse the general employment regulations published in the Gaceta Municipal to understand the legal framework governing municipal employees. Finally, the examination of individual personnel files will offer a more detailed view of the social backgrounds of the women who formed part of this workforce.
Crying is women’s work: Co-location of maternal and mental health in the contemporary office

Authors:

Petra Seitz
University College London
petra.seitz.20@ucl.ac.uk
Where do you cry in an open plan office? This is a question many white-collar workers have faced in the day-to-day experience of their jobs. It is also the guiding thematic question of doctoral studies recently completed at the Bartlett School of Architecture, UCL. Re-examining the history of commercial office architecture through the lens of Marxian labor process analysis (Braverman,1974), this work suggested that the answer to the question of crying in the open plan is frequently simple; one should simply not cry while inhabiting spaces of white-collar work. The office, labor process theory suggests, is a subsection of the built environment designed to facilitate the extraction of labor, and capital’s continued accumulation of profit, above all else. Therefore, the office is a space, assertions of nominally progressive companies notwithstanding, where employees are expected to set aside their human nature during working hours, or mobilize their humanity, creativity, and emotions in the pursuit of productivity and corporate profit (Weeks, 2011). The architecture of the commercial office realizes these goals in a physical space, using openness, a lack of privacy, and features which suppress individual agency to encourage conformity to managerially established processes and norms. Upon close examination, however, one can find exceptions to the suppression or mobilization of emotion in the white-collar workplace; exceptions which are frequently gendered. From suggestions that workers in Eero Saarinen’s John Deere headquarters, particularly women, needed a ‘quiet place to rest’ (Hall and Hall, 1975), to the proffering of a maternity room for emotional moments (Seitz, Forthcoming), women and emotion have historically, and continued to be, linked by office architecture. Building on the work of Michelle Murphy (Sick Building Syndrome and the Problem of Uncertainty, 2006) and Jennifer Kaufmann-Buhler (Open Plan, 2020), this paper highlights the architectural gendering of emotion within the commercial office. It suggests that commercial office architecture systematically deploys societal sexism to encourage complicity with the suppression of the self in favor of the worker and minimize displays of human emotion, such as crying, within the open plan office.

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 203

4. Feminist Labour History

Contested spaces of the home: tensions between reproductive and productive/intellectual work

Chair: Eloisa Betti

eloisa.betti@unipd.it

University of Padua

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ORGANIZERS

Eloisa Betti
eloisa.betti@unipd.it
University of Padua
Eszter Varsa
varsae@ceu.edu
Central European University
Between Home and University: Spaces of Daily Life and Academic Work of Women at the University of Poznań, 1945–1965

Authors:

Celina Barszczewska
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
celina.barszczewska@amu.edu.pl
This paper focuses on the analysis of the spatial dimensions of academic work performed by women employed at the University of Poznań in the two decades following the end of the Second World War. The aim is to explore how the private and public spheres—particularly domestic and institutional spaces, such as the home and the university—jointly shaped the complex landscape of women’s intellectual labor. It further investigates how the functions, meanings, and boundaries of these spaces were historically constructed, negotiated, and redefined. At the heart of this analysis lies the premise that women’s ability to pursue an academic career was shaped not only by formal regulations governing scholarly advancement or individual aspirations, but also by the material conditions of daily life and by the social and symbolic significance of the spaces they inhabited. Special attention is given to domestic spaces—typically excluded from the category of "work"—whose organizational, temporal, and emotional demands directly influenced women’s availability for institutional academic labor. At the same time, the university, as a site of symbolic prestige, remained largely inaccessible and often marginalizing for women. The paper will examine practical aspects of daily life—such as access to housing, transportation, food, childcare, and support networks—that either enabled or constrained women's presence in the university space. In addition, it will consider hybrid spaces such as domy pracy twórczej (creative work retreats), where professional and private life merged and overlapped. These spaces reveal the dynamic interplay between institutional expectations placed on women and prevailing gender norms. Together, these factors shaped the everyday conditions of academic careers, highlighting how opportunities within a single institution were deeply gendered, stratified, and power-dependent. The primary sources for this study are personnel files of female academic staff. These contain both institutional documents and materials produced by the women themselves, offering valuable insight into the relationship between daily life and academic trajectories. This analysis seeks to critically reflect on the correlation between the “private” and the “public,” as well as between the “ordinary” and the “extraordinary.” It reveals that the often invisible, everyday spaces of labor were in fact fundamental to women's participation in academia. Understanding their working conditions requires attention not only to where work occurred, but also to the complex spatial and material contexts that made such work possible, constrained it, or gave it form. This approach allows for a deeper understanding of local configurations of power, gender, and space during a time of postwar social and political transformation in Poland.
A Woman Who Calls Herself a Worker: The Contested Labors of the Conjugal Home (Mexico, 1928-1960)

Authors:

Kate Reed
University of Chicago
katereed@uchicago.edu
Beginning in the 1930s, hundreds of Mexican women brought cases to local labor boards, sometimes appealing all the way to the Supreme Court, to challenge the relegation of their labor to the unpaid, unregulated world of the family. These women sought to establish that their daily work—often amorphous and elastic, performed in private, subject to highly personalistic forms of control—indeed made them workers. Workers, they knew, had claims to a growing suite of postrevolutionary labor rights, including the right to appeal to labor courts for justice. Time and again, these women were thwarted by a legal construction first established in the 1928 Civil Code in a well-intentioned attempt to recognize non-normative family forms among Mexico’s working classes: concubinage, more popularly (and disparagingly) known as amasiato or amancebamiento. In 1930, the first year for which data exist, almost as many couples lived in these “free unions” as were formally married. Uniquely in Latin America, Mexican legislators made legal provision for concubines to inherit in 1928, and to receive social security and other benefits through their partners’ employment in the 1930s-40s. The vast majority of nations in the region did not do so until after 1980. Indeed, for women whose partners (or employers) had died, claiming status as a concubine could secure potentially transformative inheritance rights. Especially as the Mexican welfare system attached ever-higher premiums to formal-sector, industrial employment, women partners of industrial workers might come into hefty lump-sum payouts, or even survivors’ pensions, if their partners were killed in one of Mexico’s tragically common occupational accidents. This is to say nothing of the ability to inherit real estate and petty assets that might be the difference between destitution and a precarious, but decent, living. But for women seeking remuneration for their labor while their partners or employers (the line is often truly blurred) were still alive, the legal recognition of concubinage created a grey zone between labor contract and marriage contract in which a man’s financial contributions to a woman, explicitly in exchange for her domestic and care labor, could be legally enclosed within a family that did not, legally speaking, quite exist. Such a woman was left bereft of the protections of both labor and family law. Drawing on labor and civil court records from the municipal level to the Supreme Court, this paper examines women’s legal strategies in labor and inheritance cases. In both, the space of the conjugal home loomed large. For a would-be worker, proving that she worked outside the home immediately strengthened her claim to a labor contract. For a would-be wife, proving a marriage-like relationship in the absence of a marriage license came to turn on the conjugal home, which became the sine qua non of concubinage. The paper argues that while early jurisprudence found that concubinage and labor contracts were not mutually exclusive—one could be both a concubine and a worker—over the middle decades of the century, because of the spatiality of domestic labor and the legal weight accorded to the presumptive link between home and family, these identities and forms of claims-making were rendered, in practice, mutually exclusive. The result was a group of working women who were neither wives, nor workers.
Maternity and Professional Unionism from the 1960s to the Late 1970s: The Case of the CGT

Authors:

Fanny Gallot
University of Paris Est-Créteil
sporadikjas3@gmail.com
The aim of this presentation is to examine how maternity became a trade union issue within the CGT between the 1960s and 1970s, through the lens of reproductive labor. Drawing on a close analysis of the CGT’s policy documents, press, and internal debates, we first focus on the campaign for "time and means to live" in the 1960s. The goal was to enable mothers to “reconcile” work and motherhood by promoting a range of demands: paid maternity leave, childcare bonuses, leave for sick children, reduced working hours for pregnant women, breastfeeding leave, etc. The central idea was to gradually win back time to care for children by reducing working hours throughout the professional life; this was accompanied by demands for universal child allowances and the elimination of existing discriminations in family benefits for overseas territories (DOM-TOM). In the 1970s, amid a climate of increased demands, actions multiplied to secure the creation of crèches and other collective childcare solutions. At the same time, the CGT rejected the notion of “becoming an employer” when parents were classified as such for hiring nannies due to the lack of public childcare services. Throughout the entire period, the issue of women’s union involvement—particularly in relation to maternity—remained central. In other words, questions of recognition, redistribution, and representation of reproductive labor were simultaneously brought to the fore.
The Home as a Space of Struggle

Authors:

Eileen Boris
University of California, Santa Barbara
eboris@ucsb.edu
The home has stood as a space where mistress and maid—with class reinforced through racial, ethnic, or caste hierarchies —faced off across varieties of political economies. Guerilla warfare occurred on the battlefield of the kitchen over pilfered flour and tasteless meals. It became apparent in the corners of living quarters through the presence of dust and disarray. Waiting to respond to an infant’s cry usually did no harm, but may have brought relief to a nanny or nursemaid seeking escape from the pressure of constant availability. Individual acts have had, in the analysis of sociologist Bonnie Thornton Dill, “collective consequences for the overall organization of domestic labor as an occupation.”1 The infrapolitics, to use James C. Scott’s term, of the home reflected, even while it helped to constitute, overall political economies. Similarly, the destruction of the plantation household by messing up its operations, if not burning it down, was a freedom dream enacted through everyday disruption. Black women resisted the management of white women, who sought to make them into obedient servants. As historian Thavolia Glymph has concluded, “the plantation household required the labor of enslaved women—to beautify, clean, order, and thus civilize it.” However, “enslaved women did not become servants who could be counted on to support their mistresses’ domestic ambitions and personal needs.”2 Like immigrant Irish domestic workers on both sides of the Atlantic throughout the 19th century, they were not above sabotage: burning the bread, ruining the meat, and malingering just as guests were about to arrive. The end of indentured servitude or chattel slavery did not eliminate acting out as a form of resistance. “The Politics of Housework” announced during Women’s Liberation illuminated conflict between men and women within heterosexual households that existed alongside the persistence of negotiations and contestation among women: maids and their employers. This paper will consider the home as a site of struggle between women and between women and men. It especially will consider the kitchen as a space in which understandings of time, effort, proper food, notions of domesticity, and cleanliness came up against power relations based on race, gender, class, and age. I will draw upon a capacious archive grounded in my research on domestic work and workers in the US and globally over time and space, using illuminating examples from the microhistory I am writing that centers on the co-dependent but contentious relationship between a Black domestic worker and the teacher who became her mistress/employer from the early 20th century into the 1940s and from research with immigrant domestic workers on their laboring conditions in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. Through such observations, I seek to develop an interpretation of the home as a space of struggle, deepening understanding of the infrapolitics of the home.
Labor, Gender, and Memory in the Transformation of East and West German Shipyards

Authors:

Nora Küttel
University of Bremen
kuettel@uni-bremen.de
This presentation examines the gendered impacts of deindustrialization processes in East and West German shipbuilding from the 1980s to the present. It focuses on the memories of former shipyard workers and their families, reconstructed through oral history. Deindustrialization is understood not merely as an economic process, but as a profound cultural, social, and political transformation that reshapes spatial, gendered, and relational structures (Rhodes, 2013, p. 57). The research investigates the interrelations between labor, memory, identity, and space in the context of shipyard work, incorporating a gender-sensitive perspective to explore how structural ruptures and transformation processes affect gender roles and identities. Particular attention is paid to the experiences of women, who often remain invisible within this male-associated space of heavy industry. Scholarly work that explicitly examines how women experience and possibly perform masculinities in such workplaces also remains scarce (Clarke et al., 2024). By including both former shipyard employees and their families, the study highlights gender-specific experiences and ways of dealing with transformation at work and at home. It focuses on how shipyard workers and their relatives have experienced, interpreted, and remembered the upheavals associated with deindustrialization since the 1980s. Positioned at the intersection of cultural and labor geography, the presentation explores how social and cultural relationships, spaces, and identities are reshaped, negotiated, or newly formed over time. Finally, the long-term effects of deindustrialization on individuals and collectives—economically, socially, politically, and culturally—are examined and compared across East and West Germany.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 205

7. Labour and Family Economy

Family Work and the Early Modern Illicit Economy

Discussants:

Fazio, Ida
ida.fazio@unipa.it
Università degli Studi di Palermo
Montenach, Anne
anne.montenach@univ-amu.fr
Aix-Marseille Université

Over the last thirty years, social and economic historians have demonstrated that uncertainty was an integral part of the lives of many individuals and families in early modern Europe. In the context of recurrent economic crises and irregular and insufficient wages, the labouring poor often had to engage in multiple activities to make ends meet. All family members, including women and children, contributed to this ‘economy of makeshifts’ (Olwen Hufton), but they did not necessarily engage in the same occupations. By piecing together different activities and sources of income according to their age or gender, household members developed a highly flexible ‘adaptive family economy’ (Richard Wall).
Informal or illegal practices were a major resource among the strategies deployed by and within households in their struggle for subsistence, introducing flexibility into highly regulated economies. For women, who were often excluded from guilds and official businesses, the underground economy provided opportunities to earn a living and participate in the market. Working illegally outside the guild framework, smuggling, the black market, theft of waste products from workshops, factories and naval shipyards, financial delinquency have all been the focus of stimulating research in recent years. However, scholars have paid little attention to the unofficial and shadowy areas of the preindustrial economy from a gender perspective, even though early studies on the role of women in contemporary criminal markets have encouraged us to challenge stereotypes about gendered economic practices. The absence or fragmentation of documentation, derived from normative sources and court documents, often hinders the reconstruction of the familial contexts in which these activities occurred. Illegal practices were not limited to a marginalised group alone but were developed into a resource for a wide range of people from all levels of society, depending on their circumstances. The involvement of merchants, consuls, officials and other wealthy members of the ruling classes in trafficking, and the wide networks of complicity were significant in as far as they overlapped with working-class makeshift strategies, regarding the family dimension and gender roles.
The aim of this session is to overcome the obstacle of invisibility by taking a micro-analytical approach that considers both rural and urban households, as well as those in mountainous and coastal areas and in the colonies. In analysing specific familial, historical and geographical contexts, we will be seeking to uncover the ways in which men, women and children could benefit from additional resources and opportunities provided by illicit trades. Our hypothesis is that focusing on illicit activities and their links to legal forms of trade or work may also shed light on family dynamics and changing relationships. What kind of cooperation could be observed among family members (married couples, siblings or entire families)? Did changes in household composition (e.g. the death of a spouse) impact decisions to engage in illicit activities? Could involvement in illicit trading (on a small or large scale) help redefine gender roles or the use of child labour within the family? In what ways did illegal exchange reflect or impact on mobility and the use of space by men and women? These are just a few of the questions that this session will address, plus any others that will be put forward.

ORGANIZERS

Fazio, Ida
ida.fazio@unipa.it
Università degli Studi di Palermo
Montenach, Anne
anne.montenach@univ-amu.fr
Aix-Marseille Université
Smuggling with the Family in the South-East of the Kingdom of France (mid 17th–18th Centuries)

Authors:

Bournat-Quérat, Cécile
Aix-Marseille Université
cecile.bournat-querat@univ-amu.fr
Although family associations are quite common in the world of smuggling (Ferrer, 2002), as we can see in judicial archives such as arrest reports or interrogations, it remains difficult to go much further than this general observation. Indeed, the sources rarely allow us to enter the private sphere of the family. Brothers and sisters, children, spouses, and in-laws may appear to collaborate in the illicit economy, but little is revealed about their internal dynamics and relationships. Therefore, the only way to “overcome the obstacle of invisibility” is to focus on specific, well-documented cases that allow for a micro-historical approach (Ginzburg, 1976; Levi, 1989; Corbin, 1998).In early modern France, smuggling was a widespread practice (Montenach, 2017). Although harshly repressed by the monarchy, it was not necessarily perceived as a crime by much of the population. As a result, there was little social stigma attached to smuggling or to having a smuggler in one’s family. This helps explain why many smugglers worked in cooperation with close relatives. While trust is essential in any economy, it is even more so in underground markets. Smugglers often chose to work with family members precisely because they trusted them and could depend on them. In fact, the family also represented a space of protection: when engaging in high-risk activities, it was reassuring to rely on dependable individuals.Family involvement in smuggling varied depending on the scale and nature of the operation, as well as on the social background of the participants. For the poorest individuals, working with relatives was less about trust and more about economic necessity. Parents might involve their children in order to increase the family’s income. Among more experienced smugglers, children were sometimes prepared to follow their parents’ path. A gendered division of labour could often be observed within these family units: men typically took the greater risks—crossing regions to sell stolen, counterfeit, or smuggled goods—while women remained at home to store or conceal merchandise.This presentation aims to shed light, through selected case studies, on the crucial role of family labour in the early modern illicit economy. The Vivarais region, a mountainous, rural and remote area, offers a valuable field of observation, as it was home to many smugglers during the 17th and 18th centuries (Cholvy, 1988). One particularly illustrative case is that of the Clergue family of Boffres, a small town in the Vivarais mountains. Their story reveals how a family of merchants gradually became involved in smuggling. The abundance and richness of judicial and notarial archives concerning this family—composed of two brothers and a sister—make it possible to conduct a detailed analysis of family cooperation in illegal activities. A few questions emerged: to what extent did family and professional spheres merge? (Pleck, 1976; Certin, 2008) What was everyone's role in the criminal operation? How could smuggling with families change the relationships between family members (Sabean, 1990)? Did the older brother naturally take on the role of leader? Were the parents, spouses, children involved?This case study should allow us to better understand the link between family work and the illicit economy in the early modern French society.
Households, Fraud and Illicit Economies in Eighteenth-Century Genoa: Gendered Strategies in Criminal and Annonary Records

Authors:

Calcagno, Paolo
University of Genoa
Paolo.Calcagno@unige.it
This paper examines how criminal records from various magistracies illuminate the involvement of women and families in smuggling and fraud in eighteenth-century Genoa. Through an analysis of judicial sources produced by institutions such as the Casa di San Giorgio (the Republic’s fiscal revenue authority) and Genoa’s provisioning magistracies—most notably the Provvisori del vino (Wine Provisioning Magistracy) and the Magistrato dell’abbondanza (Office for the Commercialization of Bread and Grain)—it becomes possible to uncover forms of illicit exchange that would otherwise remain invisible. These sources not only document the actions of individual women but also enable the reconstruction of broader networks, shaped by kinship ties or female-exclusive alliances.The Genoese context offers a particularly rich case study. As a port city central to both local coastal traffic and the redistribution of colonial goods, Genoa had a highly institutionalized system of commercial and fiscal regulation. In this environment, judicial sources provide a window onto the micro-practices that challenged official economic hierarchies. Tobacco smuggling, fraud in wine distribution, and the resale of goods from charitable institutions emerge as recurrent themes. Far from marginal, these practices involved a wide range of actors—widows, wives, daughters, and servants—who used the margins of legality to access resources and participate in urban economies.The paper offers a methodological reflection on how to read such sources not just as records of isolated incidents, but as clues to broader economic strategies shaped by family structures and gender roles. It explores forms of cooperation among relatives and considers how shifts in household composition —such as widowhood or abandonment—influenced illicit choices. In some cases, the documentation reveals collective action by unrelated women, suggesting the presence of female solidarities beyond the domestic unit. Rather than treating illegal work as a marginal survival tactic, this paper positions it within the repertoire of popular economies, characterized by flexibility, negotiation with institutions, and gendered role division. It aims to foster dialogue between economic, social, and legal history to rethink the visibility of women’s labour in informal and illicit sectors.
Family, Gender and Strategies in the Illegal Pawnbroking Economy in the 18th century (Montpellier and Marseille)

Authors:

Huet, Claire
Aix-Marseille Université
claire.huet@univ-amu.fr
While historiography has highlighted the role of women in both formal and informal credit — especially in making ends meet for the family (TEBBUTT, 1983 ; LEMIRE, 1998 ; CAMPBELL, LEMIRE and PEARSON, 2002 ; HARDWICK, 2009 ; DERMINEUR, 2018) — relatively little is known about the involvement of married women in pawnbroking practices (FONTAINE, 2011 ; SHAW, 2018 ; ROBERTS and ZULFIQAR, 2019 ; POMPERMAIER, 2022), and, more broadly, about the involvement of families, particularly when it comes to illicit forms of lending.Following a micro-analytical approach, this paper explores how pawnbroking operated within family units, focusing on illegal practices – often carried out by women – that surrounded this activity in eighteenth-century Montpellier and Marseille. Police and criminal court records from both cities reveal that illicit operations were often tied to usury (illegal interest rates) and the theft of pledged goods, which were then resold in second-hand markets.Within nuclear families, particularly among married couples, illegal pawnbroking sometimes complemented a husband's official work, providing additional resources to the family. It highlights the gendered division of labour (WHITTLE and HAILWOOD, 2020) that structured these practices: while the declared activity was generally carried out by the husband, wives could manage parallel illegal operations in the market. However, some married women could conduct pawnbroking operations independently, thereby claiming spaces of autonomy within and beyond the household. These initiatives relied on the domestic space and on relationships within the city, and contributed to the intermingling of the legal and the illegal (MONTENACH, 2024). Yet these activities also exposed those married women to heightened suspicion: in police and judicial proceedings, it was women who attracted more attention from the authorities, revealing the weight of negative representations attached to those who managed money and the material belongings of others.Beyond spousal partnerships, extended family members, particularly children and close relatives, also participated in these illicit economies. Their involvement may be understood in light of the presumed trust arising from kinship bonds. This kind of cooperation also allowed for a division of labour and for a discreet expansion of the activity, with each member contributing, according to their skills and access to urban space. Information, money and material goods could circulate more efficiently and discreetly through the city.Finally, this contribution explores family defence strategies in court. Claiming ignorance was common, particularly among husbands, who often denied knowledge of their wives’ activities. Children, when implicated, invoked their youth and lack of legal discernment to escape sanctions. Others defended their actions by emphasizing economic necessity—the imperative to provide for their families. These defence strategies reveal how the family could serve as both a resource for illicit activity and a protective shield in the face of legal consequences.
Making and Selling Nougat: Seasonal Labour, Gender, and Informal Markets in Early Modern Spain

Authors:

Manzanares Mileo, Marta
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
Marta.manzanares@uam.es
At Christmas time, urban markets were flooded with turrón, that is, a type of nougat made of roasted nuts and honey that held social and religious significance in early modern Spain. Nougat-makers (turroneros) and other inhabitants of the Alicante region, located in the southern part of the Kingdom of Valencia, were heavily involved in this seasonal nougat production. For many families, this activity served as an additional source of income alongside agricultural work. Many rural households used the surplus almonds to make nougat, which they sold not only in their hometowns but also in the royal capital of Madrid, often causing disputes with guilds and municipal authorities.This paper examines the Christmas sweets markets in Madrid during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as sites of negotiation and conflict. Drawing on newly discovered material from the archives of Madrid, Alicante, and Valencia, this study uncovers the complexity of extensive commercial networks and the diverse forms of gendered labour involved in the production and distribution of seasonal sweets. It highlights the various social actors engaged in this trade—from Valencian confectioners and muleteers to Madrid guild masters, as well as female street vendors and stallholders.As this study will show, Valencian turroneros sold their nougat both wholesale and retail in local inns, and they subcontracted female sellers to broaden their distribution across the streets of Madrid. At the same time, many unlicensed women of diverse legal status and occupations purchased Valencian nougat to resell in the city’s main squares, despite facing restrictions imposed by municipal and guild authorities. Overall, this study reveals how numerous women and men operating outside the guild framework created a distinctive and dynamic market, blending formal and informal economies. These practices not only expanded—but also disrupted—existing commercial structures during the festive season.
Women Resellers at the Barcelona Food Market Driven Into Illegality: The Downside of Widowhood and other Circumstances

Authors:

Renom, Mercè
University of Barcelona
mrenompulit@gmail.com
The women resellers in Barcelona's food markets had an institutional relationship with the Barcelona guild of Shopkeepers and Resellers that varied over the nearly four centuries of its existence (1447-1836). Initially, there was a period of free labour and payment of guild dues; later, they joined the guild, which became a mixed guild (1627-1768); finally, they were banned from entering. At every stage, there were conflicts between women resellers and the officers of the Shopkeepers and Resellers guild.We analyse some cases of women resellers in Barcelona who were deemed illegal by the Guild, which initiated repressive actions against them. There are two main types of illegality: the case of women who practiced resale without the required guild affiliation; the case of widows of guild members who, upon becoming widowed, regressed and implemented strategies bordering on illegality.We observe the difference between resellers who ran their business in their own name and those who operated in a family context, where the owner was the head of the household. In the latter, the death of their husband placed the widow and her business in a fragile situation.It is interesting to analyse these cases, as it reveals the gender inequality within the guild, even when the guild was mixed (an inequality compounded by the fact that they were not allowed to hold government positions, attend meetings, or vote on agreements).The main source for this analysis is the series of lawsuits from the Shopkeepers and Resellers' Guild, preserved in the Historical Archive of the City of Barcelona. Of the 248 lawsuits in this series, 32 involve women (13%), although only a dozen refer to issues related to illegal practices.The analysis of the conflicts and disputes involving women allows us to better understand the conditions of female food resellers in Barcelona's markets, gender inequalities, and the strategies women implemented in difficult times, especially those economic practices considered illegal by the reseller’s guild. The analysis of this documentation falls within the broader context of the history of the Barcelona’ Shopkeepers and Resellers Guild and, in particular, the history of the women resellers in the city's food markets.

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 222

5. Labour and Coercion

Imaginaries of Coercion: Legitimations and Workers’ Alternatives

Chair: Capitano, Olimpia

capitanoolimpia@gmail.com

University of Teramo

Discussants:

This panel explores the shifting ways in which coercion in labour relations has been imagined, legitimized, and contested in the nineteenth and twentieth century, across diverse geographic and social contexts. The papers foreground semantics, representations and ideologies dimensions of coercion and the role they played for both practices of coercion and workers’ resistance to these practices.

Several contributions focus on how coercion was naturalized and legitimized by states, employers, and colonial authorities across Europe (Italy, Spain and Ireland) and in colonial contexts in Asia and Africa (India, Vietnam, Algeria) while others show how coercion was contested, redefined, or even turned into a site for imagining alternatives. The contributions do not stop at disputing the dichotomy between ‘free’ and ‘unfree’ labour, but instead show how conceptualisations of freedom and unfreedom have been utilised in discourses about industrial paternalism, legal change in labour regimes and the legitimation of coercion in colonial context. Taken together, these papers show how coercion in labour relations has always been a site of ideological struggle, moral justification, and imaginative projection. They highlight how coercion has been legitimated, while workers themselves simultaneously exposed these fictions and developed visions of alternative futures grounded in solidarity and cooperation.

ORGANIZERS

Heinsen, Johan
heinsen@dps.aau.dk
Vilhelmsson, Vilhelm
vilhelmv@hi.is
Petrik, Teresa
teresa.petrik@univie.ac.at
Vienna University of Economics and Business
The Unfreedom of Free Labour: Coercion and Counter-Practices in Pre-Revolutionary Dublin (1911–1916)

Authors:

Barsi, Filippo
Scuola Normale Superiore di Pisa
filippo.barsi@sns.it
This paper examines how coercion operated as a gendered and relational regime of labour control in pre-revolutionary Dublin. Rather than relying on rigid distinctions between ‘free’ and ‘unfree’ labour, this study investigates coercion not as an exception to ‘free labour,’ but as a constitutive aspect of wage labour itself. It addresses coercion as both a material practice and a process of subjectification, embedded in everyday work relations through wage dependency, hunger, sexual discipline, and moral surveillance – particularly targeting women and working-class families. Focusing on the activities of the Irish Transport and General Workers’ Union (ITGWU) and the Irish Women Workers’ Union (IWWU), this paper explores how Liberty Hall (ITGWU’s headquarter) functioned as a space of exposure, negotiation and resistance to labour, gender, and social coercion. Drawing on union papers and activists’ personal testimonies, this paper reconstructs the subjective experiences of coercion of working-class people from the perspective of those who endured and challenged them, i.e., the workers themselves. Labour activists and working-class people consistently denounced the ideological fiction of “free labour.” They described how compliance was enforced not only through economic necessity, but also through threats of eviction, starvation, and police violence. Moreover, women faced also other overlapping forms of coercion, such as exploitative wages, sexual harassment, and the “double burden” of paid labour and domestic reproduction. These coercive experiences were neither abstract nor incidental, but central aspects of the lived reality of Dublin’s labouring poor people. At the same time, Liberty Hall became a site of material and symbolic responses and counter-practices. During the 1913 Lockout, the IWWU organized communal kitchens and relief campaigns, turning Liberty Hall into a hub of social aid. More significantly, Liberty Hall housed some worker-run cooperatives, some of which employed unionized working-class women fired during the Lockout. These cooperatives were not only crisis coping mechanisms but deliberate acts of prefiguration that embodied alternative imaginaries of labour beyond coercion. They represented real attempts to build a post-coercive model of labour rooted in economic cooperation, class solidarity, social democratic control, and collective ownership of the means of production. Drawing inspiration from industrial unionist and anarcho-syndicalist thoughts, these experiments, rejecting the coercive social practices and attempting to construct a post-coercive labour order from within, were challenging the wage relations themselves. The working class did not simply resist coercion—they sought to negate it through the creation of an alternative economic system based on cooperation and class solidarity. The Dublin case offers broader insights into the relational nature of labour coercion. It shows how coercive practices were maintained through constant negotiation between economic structures, social norms, and worker resistance. Rather than viewing coercion as a fixed condition, this study reveals it as an unstable social relation that workers could potentially transform through collective action and alternative economic visions. The historical example demonstrates how analyzing specific local contexts can illuminate universal dynamics in labour relations while challenging persistent binaries in labour historiography.
The paternalism is dead, long live the paternalism! Industrial paternalism during the late Franco-era as a tool for labour coercion (Madrid and Barcelona, 1958–1977)

Authors:

Latorre Manglano, Diego
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
diegolat@ucm.es
The 1960s and 1970s in Spain were a period of social, political and cultural modernization. The advent of wage increases, the augmentation of consumption capacity, and the evolution of state welfare have prompted certain scholars to pronounce the demise of industrial paternalism in those years. Nevertheless, the objective of this article is to demonstrate the survival of paternalistic forms of control over workers in the Madrid and Barcelona late Franco-era industries. In order to achieve this objective, the present study will focus on the exposition of these company policies, as well as their objectives, implications and meanings as fundamental elements for defining them as paternalistic services. Firstly, the concept of industrial paternalism is developed in order to specify the characteristics that render particular forms of paternalistic control over workers. The subsequent discussion will address the evolution of these instruments during the period of developmentalism, with particular emphasis on their application within a disciplinary framework by corporate entities. The objective of these services was to prevent workers from leaving and to increase their loyalty with a productivity intention. Furthermore, they were imbued with identitarian meanings that sought to establish vertical bonds of belonging to a business community, as opposed to horizontal working-class solidarity. In summary, the paternalism possessed an ideological element that sought to establish a distinct business identity and to present forms of indirect wages as company concessions. That is why this paper aims that industrial paternalistic policies were maintained during the developmentalist years with a clear disciplinary function. Regarding the sources, this paper analyses company files and documents from the trade union opposition, which are available in the Labour History Archive [Archivo de Historia del Trabajo] of the May Day Foundation [Fundación 1º de Mayo] in Madrid and the Catalonian CCOO’s History Archive [Arxiu Històric de CCOO de Catalunya] of the Cipriano García Foundation [Fundació Cipriano García] in Barcelona. In the course of my research, I have had the opportunity to consult a variety of documents in these archives, including oral testimonies from workers who were employed in these factories, as well as the minutes of the Company Committees [Jurados de Empresa] that were co-opted by the trade union opposition and the Internal Regulations Codes [Reglamentos de Régimen Interior] that were published by the companies themselves.
Riverine team shipping and imaginaries of forced labour in Bengal and Sumatra

Authors:

Dondorp, Marten
Harvard University
mdondorp@g.harvard.edu
In the first half of the 19th century, understandings of forced labour in the Indian Ocean world were transformed both by the abolition of chattel slavery and by fossil-fueled technological change. While historians long regarded steam power as in some sense displacing forced labour, in recent decades scholars of the Atlantic world have shown that steam technologies were in fact deeply integrated into pro-slavery worldviews. Walter Johnson, for instance, has highlighted the reciprocal relationship between Mississippi steam shippers and slaveowners seeking to expand the cotton frontier. Applying this insight to Bengal and Sumatra, I examine policy visions drafted by colonial officials to investigate how steam power influenced their views on various forms of forced labour. In both settings, European boosters grappled with the challenges of introducing steamboats in capital-poor settings, seeing engines as key to transforming the calculus of hinterland trade. In 1820’s Bengal, British police magistrates drew an equivalence between steam power and captive labour power, attempting to calculate how many convict labourers put to work on river vessels would equal a forty-horsepower steam engine. Soon thereafter, steam lines operated by waged workers were introduced, aiding the expansion of indentured cash cropping in the hinterland. In Sumatra, Dutch military officials sought to reduce their reliance on the debt-slaves who were generally employed in river transportation, but at the same time believed corvée labor was necessary for maintaining steamboat repair infrastructure in the labour-scarce hinterland. While the infrastructural and environmental barriers to technology transfer meant that riverine steam travel did not take on the dimensions that it had on the Mississippi, fossil-fueled transport did impact visions of forced labour deep into the Ganga and the Musi basins.
A Subordinate Partner? Legal Grammars of Association and Coercion in Italian Mezzadria (1910s)

Authors:

Argiroffi, Carolina
University of Naples Federico II
carolina.argiroffi@unina.it
By the close of the nineteenth century, mezzadria – the Italian system of sharecropping – had come to be widely dismissed by economists as a relic of the past. When Carlo Bertagnolli published one of its most influential reconstructions in 1877, he remarked with a hint of sarcasm that this contract had vanished from the most “advanced” countries of Europe: it had “disappeared without a trace from England,” survived only in “exceptional cases” in Belgium and Germany, and lingered merely in “poor and mountainous regions” of Spain. In France, too, the institution had “entirely ceased in more than half the country,” while steadily declining in the other half. And yet, for legal scholars confronted with the transformations of industrial society, mezzadria retained a surprising vitality. What drew their attention was not its economic efficiency, but its legal architecture: a model that seemed to offer a way of organizing labour relations beyond the stark dichotomy of capital and wage dependency. This paper traces the unexpected legal trajectory of mezzadria in Italian legal discourse between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as a renewed “systemic resource”. Drawing on the Roman formula of quasi societas, legal scholars, judges, lawyers, and political actors reimagined sharecropping as a peculiar form of contractual partnership between unequal parties, in which subordination and cooperation could formally coexist. Nowhere was this interpretive model more politically charged than in 1910s Romagna, where mezzadria still dominated rural labour relations. There, disputes over control of the production process, most notably the right to choose threshing machines, made newly urgent the unresolved question of who, landowner or sharecropper, exercised direction over the farm. Was the mezzadro a partner or a subordinate? Could collaboration survive without symmetry of power? The final verdict ruled in favour of the mezzadro’s subordination yet continued to frame the relationship in the rhetoric of shared aims and common purpose. What emerged was the paradoxical figure of partners aligned in interests but not in power. This paper aims to retrace the legal dispute that emerged around the threshing campaigns of the summer of 1910, examining the argumentative strategies, discursive trajectories, and forms of scientific legitimation mobilized to support one side or the other—both before the courts and across the broader arenas of political and trade-union conflict. Far from remaining confined to rural litigation, this grammar of asymmetrical association forged in the countryside arrived at the core of contemporary labour law debates and in broader strategies of social regulation and institutional reform. The logic of quasi societas, with its promise of reconciling dependency and association, was soon projected onto factories and manufactures. A set of legal experiments – such as “industrial and commercial sharecropping” and the “negozio giuridico parziario” – reframed dependency by embedding it within the language of partnership. Long before the corporatist legal order of Fascist Italy, these developments helped shape a legal model in which coercion and association were not mutually exclusive but deeply intertwined, leaving a legacy that extended well beyond the fields where it had first taken root.
Moral economies of coercion. French colonizers’ representations of coercion at work in colonial Vietnam and Algeria’s coal mines, 1888–1962

Authors:

Campagne, Armel
University College Dublin
armel.campagne@ucd.ie
Just like the 18th century English crowd studied by Thompson, French public and private officials in charge of colonial Vietnam’s coal mines, the most important of the French colonial empire, had a moral economy, in the sense of a “system of norms and obligations [that] guides judgments and actions, and distinguishes between what is done and what is not done.” (1) Far from relying on an amoral political economy of coercion at work, French colonizers represented, perceived and discussed coercion at work in different and sometimes discordant moral terms. In this paper, based on archival research in France, Vietnam and Algeria undertaken during my PhD (2024, European University Institute), (2) I examine French colonizers’ moral representations of coercion at work in colonial Vietnam’s coal mines. I first scrutinize the controversy in the French colonial administration over the coercive and violent treatment of penal workers in the Kebao coal mine (1897–1898). I then uncover the discordant moral economies of coercion at work at the Société française des charbonnages du Tonkin (SFCT), the largest coal mine of the French colonial empire, by examining the 1920 SFCT’s demand to constrain Vietnamese workers to remain at its service after their apprenticeship, the French colonial moral economy of violence at work at the SFCT in the 1900s–30s, and the 1937 General Inspector of Colonies’ moral critique of coercion at work at the SFCT. Finally, I compare these moral economies of coercion at work with those of the French communist press (L’Humanité) and two French writers and journalists, Andrée Viollis and Roland Dorgelès, (3) to map the French colonial moral economies of coercion at work in colonial Vietnam’s coal mines. In this paper, I thus show that French public and private officials in charge of colonial Vietnam’s coal mines mostly identified coercion at work with ‘unfree labour’, which they generally condemned on moral and legal grounds, and the arbitrary violence of Vietnamese subcontractors and overseers, which they denounced at times. On the contrary, they did not consider economic coercion to work for wages as a form of coercion, although they were very conscious that poor rice harvests were favourable circumstances to recruit workers. Similarly, they never considered that the violence of Vietnamese subcontractors and overseers was functional to the capitalist exploitation of labour, and not the result of some essentialized ‘Oriental despotism’. Finally, they mostly justified the violence of European overseers towards Vietnamese employees. Thus, the French colonial moral economy of coercion at work, founded on the myth of ‘free labour’ and on racism, invisibilized colonial capitalism’s functional and structural coercion to work and at work. (1) E. P. Thompson, ‘The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century’, Past & Present, no. 50 (1971), pp. 76–136; Didier Fassin, ‘Les économies morales revisitées’, Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales, 64e année.6 (2009), pp. 1237–66.(2) Armel Campagne, ‘French Colonizers and Coal Mining in Vietnam, 1873-1939’ (unpublished PhD Dissertation, European University Institute, 2024).(3) Roland Dorgelès, Sur la route mandarine (Albin Michel, 1925); Andrée Viollis, Indochine S.O.S. (Gallimard, 1935).

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 204

5. Labour and Coercion

15. Labour and Empire

Structural Coercion and Resistance in Colonial Labour Regimes: Comparative Histories of Subjectification

Chair: Ginés Blasi, Mònica

mon.gines.blasi@gmail.com

Uppsala University

A recurrent challenge in labour history is uncovering how coercion and resistance operate within work regimes where they are neither explicit nor easily legible in the archive. This session explores how coercive dynamics become internalised and reproduced across different labour systems highlighting the relational and structural nature of coercion.
The session explores how coercion and resistance are internalised and embedded in labour relations under colonial rule. It brings together papers that examine diverse historical contexts and labour forms – including chattel slavery, indenture, penal labour, contract work, and servitude – through a global comparative lens. The session investigates how structural coercion operates not only through physical or legal constraints, but also through social norms, subjectivity, and relational dynamics.
This panel brings together historians who study colonial and post-colonial processes in different geographical and institutional settings in Asia, Africa, and America. We aim to interrogate the ambivalent interplay between coercion and resistance: how are coercive practices normalised or challenged by workers themselves? How do processes of subjectification shape, and become shaped by, colonial labour systems? What role do pre-existing social structures in colonised societies play in enabling or undermining coercive work regimes?
Colonial regimes offer an interesting – but not unique – entry point to analysing these subtle tensions, as colonial regimes adapt their coercive mechanisms to pre-existing societies, and “colonized” societies undergo processes of internalization of subjugation. This session contributes to historicising coercion as a dynamic and relational force across different labour systems and colonial settings.

ORGANIZERS

Ginés Blasi, Mònica
mon.gines.blasi@gmail.com
Uppsala University
Post-emancipation labour coercion in Swedish-Caribbean colony St Barthélemy

Authors:

Pålsson, Ale
Uppsala University
ale.palsson@hist.uu.se
In 1847, the last enslaved people in the Swedish-Caribbean colony St Barthélemy were freed. The Swedish administrators, who had witnessed the chaotic conditions of British-Caribbean apprenticeship, decided to not implement a similar transition period, but instead grant equal rights immediately upon manumission. Yet the social transition of the enslaved to free was not as immediate as the administrators had claimed. Many newly freed workers found themselves in coercive labour situations very quickly. In exploring post-emancipation labor coercion in St Barthélemy, I will categorize it to two dimensions, administrative and social coercion. Administrative coercion is the way in which the Swedish administration, through instituting new labour requirements, kept the lower Black classes active in tasks meant to improve the state of the colony. The primary form of this was through convict labour, which was explicitly meant to discourage idleness among the Black population, but there were other instances of labour coercion through proclamations of collective labor. Upon examining these edicts and how they were implemented, it becomes clear that although the rule was meant to not draw any distinction between races, it very much did. Social coercion is rather the way in which emancipated labourers often found themselves in similar labour situations after the end of slavery, due to the pervasive social distinction between the emancipated and the previously free population. While there is still a great deal that can be found regarding this dynamic, there is clear evidence of previous owners struggling to adapt to a new social relation towards their previously enslaved workers. As censuses tracked the emancipated for decades afterwards, we can follow their careers as free people, and to which degree they stayed on the island and remained under previous working conditions.
The Compañía General de Tabacos de Filipinas: Structural Coercion, Gendered Labour, and Colonial Subjectification in the First Spanish Multinational in Asia

Authors:

Martínez Taberner, Gulliermo
Pompeu Fabra University
guillermo.martinez@upf.edu
This presentation will explore how structural coercion operated and was internalised within the labour regimes of the Compañía General de Tabacos de Filipinas (CGTF), the first Spanish multinational in Asia. Founded in 1881, the CGTF offers a revealing case study of the relational and dynamic nature of coercion and resistance under colonial capitalism. Its operations in the Philippines were deeply embedded in colonial rule, social hierarchy, and gendered divisions of labour. To address persistent labour shortages, the CGTF developed a coercive recruitment system on its plantations in the province of Isabela. Workers from Ilocos Norte and Ilocos Sur were tied to the company through debt contracts that promised advances in cash or kind. These agreements involved mobility restrictions, deceptive practices, and violent enforcement. More than 5,000 workers, including women and children, laboured under this regime from 1885 onward. These labourers experienced conditions of subjectification due to the debt bondage contracts, revealing how coercion was embedded not only in legal frameworks, but also in economic necessity and social expectations. Attempts to resist through legal appeals or escape often failed, underscoring the structural nature of their subjugation. The ambivalent interplay between coercion and resistance is also evident at CGTF’s Flor de la Isabela cigar factory in Manila, where over 5,000 women were employed by the late 1890s. These female workers performed skilled roles, such as hand-rolling cigars, but faced precarious employment, wage dependency, and informal debts. Despite these exploitative conditions, they deployed subtle forms of resistance: slowdowns, coordinated absences, and negotiated refusals. These micro-resistances show how colonial subjects both internalised and contested coercion within constrained economic and social realities. This case also provides insight into how coercion was not only structural but also gendered. After the U.S. annexation of the Philippines in 1898, CGTF expanded its coercive labour models into sugarcane production in Tarlac. Following the Payne Tariff Act (1908), which granted Filipino exports privileged access to U.S. markets, the company implemented a system of indebted tenancy. Farmers and labourers received advances for planting and housing, to be repaid with the harvested cane. As in Isabela, legal debt bound workers to the land, replicating the earlier plantation model under new imperial conditions. This continuity demonstrates how coercive structures could be replicated across sectors, regions, and empires. The CGTF case analyzed in this presentation will contribute to this session’s comparative framework by showing how colonial labour regimes produce subjects through contracts, debt, gender, and embedded hierarchies. It reveals coercion not only as legal or physical compulsion, but as a relational process, naturalised through economic dependence and contested through everyday acts. Ultimately, the CGTF’s success was rooted in the institutionalisation of structural coercion and the managed containment of subaltern resistance, providing a nuanced perspective on the dynamics of subjectification in colonial labour regimes.
Entangled Coercions: Chinese Labour Migration and Divergent Colonial Regimes in Cuba and the Philippines

Authors:

Ginés Blasi, Mònica
Uppsala University
mon.gines.blasi@gmail.com
In the second half of the nineteenth century, Cuba and the Philippines – two Spanish colonies on opposite sides of the globe – became destinations for large numbers of Chinese migrant labourers. While both sites absorbed these migrants into colonial economies under conditions of structural coercion, they did so through markedly different regimes of labour control. In Cuba, Chinese labourers were formally bound by indenture contracts, embedded within a system that sought to reproduce plantation slavery under a nominally “free” labour regime. In contrast, similar efforts to establish indentured labour in the Philippines largely failed, giving way to a diffuse and unofficial system of “assisted migration,” credit-ticket arrangements, and debt bondage facilitated by Chinese brokers and Spanish authorities. This paper investigates how and why these divergent systems emerged, despite overlapping imperial interests and economic goals – especially in sugar production – and uncovers the forms of unfreedom that persisted in both contexts. Drawing on recent scholarship that challenges the narrative of Chinese migrants as primarily commercial agents in the Philippines, it highlights how coercion operated not solely through formal legal contracts, but through interpersonal obligations, racialised taxation, and the strategic complicity of colonial institutions. By comparing the Cuban and Philippine cases, the paper explores how structural coercion was adapted to local conditions and made legible – or deliberately obscured – through legal, administrative, and social frameworks. It contributes to broader debates on colonial subjectification by showing how migrants navigated and sometimes resisted these systems, and how empires deployed relational forms of control that blurred the boundaries between slavery, indenture, and ostensibly free migration.
Sugar Warehouses and Racialised Labour in Western Cuba (1840–1880)

Authors:

Domínguez Cabrera, David
UNESCO Chair on Slavery and Afro-descendancy
ddomingu@uji.es
In the mid-19th century, the western region of Cuba emerged as one of the main production areas for tropical commodities in the capitalist world-economy. The manufacture of sugar and its subsequent commercialisation led to the export consolidation of Havana, Matanzas, Cárdenas, Cienfuegos and Sagua. Havana accounted for between 40% and 50% of maritime traffic. Matanzas, Cárdenas and Cienfuegos were directly connected to the North American ports on the Atlantic coast, while Boston, Portland, New Orleans and New York were, in 1860, the ports with the largest tonnage shipped to the island. Sugar and slave trade links intensified between Spanish-Cuban planters on the island and American merchants such as Moses Taylor, Peter Harmony and Elisha Atkins. From 1840 onwards, the warehousing system began to be deployed to solve the logistical crisis of the agro-export complex. The start of operations at the Regla Warehouses (1845), together with the expansion of the railways, allowed the capitalist modernisation of the transport and marketing of sugar. This was replicated in the rest of the export enclaves in western Cuba, with labour dynamics and work regimes in which the use of racialised workers – slaves and coolies – became widespread. Connected to global commodity chains for the world market, sugar warehouses constituted the epicentre of the Second Slavery. Their study allows us to examine the coexistence of different labour regimes, their interdependence and the porosity of the geographical boundaries of slave and free labour. Without the intensive exploitation and coercion suffered by racialised workers in the sugar warehouses, Cuba's transformation into an island plantation would not have been possible. They were a paradigm of port modernisation and of the capitalist logics that revolutionised the logistical order of the port cities of the Atlantic world.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 219

17. Labour Migration History

The politics of labour migration: migrants and state actors in regional, European and global perspectives

The working group aims to build an interdisciplinary network of scholars studying labour migration from a historical perspective. Although migration currently receives great attention in political and academic debates, it is often discussed as a humanitarian emergency, a social and a security problem, but very rarely as a labour (history) issue. Similarly, research sympathetic to the struggles of migrants tends to denounce the violation of human and civil rights experienced by migrants but very rarely refers to the ways in which migration management policies have historically contributed to the creation of unfree and precarious working conditions. Our network seeks to generate scholarly debate about the interconnectedness of labour and migration history and stresses the importance of labour to analyse change in migration patterns and policies across time and space. We are interested in both empirical and theoretical analysis, and in various types of labour migration, perspectives, chronological and regional foci.

We invite papers addressing labour migration history including (but not limited to) the following topics of interest:

Labour mobility in domestic, regional and transnational policies and patterns
Intra-bloc and East-South labour migration in the Cold War context
Labour migration beyond normative and methodological nationalism
Organised migration schemes (e.g. “Guestworkers”) in a comparative perspective
Labour precarity and coercion in historical perspective
Entanglements between forced and voluntary migration
Methodological considerations and innovations in labour migration history
Historical shifts in intersections of gender, race, and class in migrant labour flows
The impact of migration in sending societies: Remittances and the financialization of migrants

ORGANIZERS

Papadopoulos, Yannis
ypameri@gmail.com
ypameri@gmail.com
Heads or tails: the Greek laissez-faire and the Gastarbeiter remittances (1960-1989)

Authors:

Adamopoulou, Maria
IEG Mainz
maria.adamopoulou@alumni.eui.eu
In 1972, the writer Lefteris Papadopoulos conducted an interview for the newspaper Ta Nea with the President of the Greek Chamber of Industry. To the question on what would happen if the 300.000 Greek workers of Germany returned, Ladas was definite, there was no way! Only if the 290.000 would go back to their fields, which was equally impossible. Thus, the solution was to come, but gradually and in small groups. The reporter ironically concluded that these 300.000 workers sent 400 million dollars of remittances annually, and, therefore, their return was problematic due to this fact, as well! Sara Bernard in “Money Can’t Buy Me Love”: Remittances, Return Migration, and Family Relations in Serbia (1960s–2000s) examined the impact of remittances in the sending country, and Heike Knortz Knortz in “The Balance of Payments Deficits: ‘Guest Workers’ and Economic Europeanization, 1945–1973” discussed how the invention of the new system of organized labor recruitment based on bilateral agreements, mostly known by the name of Gastarbeit, was part of the generalized efforts of postwar reconstruction. It was connected with the path to development and when the road to Western Europe opened, thousands of young people living under the pressure of poverty, unemployment and social suffocation did not hesitate to leave massively their villages and towns seeking a better future abroad. The policymakers’ aspirations to use migration to Western Europe as a lever towards development through the migrants’ remittances and the relief of unemployment was coupled with skepticism about the long-term gains of such a mechanism. Exporting people in the way of exporting commodities to the European market was not an expedition deprived of downsides; the main criticism articulated at the time was that temporary solutions as migration were not sustainable and long-term planning was necessary. In retrospect, we could say that for the Greek case, the Gastarbeiter system, as it was conceived as a temporary employment project, worked the way it was planned. Most of the people who migrated through this scheme returned to the homeland and supported it with their remittances and with investments in their native places and the big urban centers of the country. In this light, it was a successful device to the profit of the Greek economy. However, my argument for this paper is that the Greek state never came up with a solid plan on the use of the Gastarbeiter remittances, something that prevented their meaningful investment in productive industries and led to their passive deposit in real estate acquisitions or prestigious material goods like cars.
East-South Labour migration: Yugoslav workers in the Non-aligned Developing World

Authors:

Archer, Rory
University of Vienna
rory.archer@univie.ac.at
The historiography of East-South labour focuses on workers from the Global South engaged in labour exchange programmes in Eastern Europe (such as Vietnamese in Czechoslovakia, Cubans in the GDR and Hungary). Our contribution examines Yugoslavs in postcolonial Zambia (1964-1991) and compares this case to other East-South cooperation in the field of labour and development in the same period. As a Non-aligned socialist state outside of the Warsaw Pact, Yugoslav migration to its allies in the Global South like Zambia shared some commonalities with its Soviet neighbours. East Europeans engaged in developing countries were seen as agents of internationalism and socialist development. Highly politicized, they closely collaborated with the institutions of the party-state. Yet, the Yugoslav model also retains specificities connected to its own path of state socialism (including self-management and non-alignment). In terms of labour migration to the Global South, we see that Yugoslav migration was far more spontaneous, less controlled by the party-state and more connected to self-managed companies and even private initiative. Not only were highly qualified experts in the field of development present on the ground in Zambia, but also less qualified workers, including in the private sector. The political understanding of their activities abroad was less overt and more nuanced than other state-socialist states. Yugoslavs, however, also did not emulate citizens of the former colonial metropole (i.e. British in Zambia) who were new reframed as “expatriates” in the postcolonial context. Based on archival research and oral history interviews conducted by the authors in Zambia, former Yugoslavia and the UK, the paper provides empirical perspectives of the experiences of Yugoslavs and Zambians alike and contextualises this vis-à-vis other East Europeans and postcolonial “expats” who were also present in societies like Zambia and shaped how Yugoslavs understood their liminal position in Zambia.
Beyond Guestworker Politics: Italian Migrant Organisations and Their Idea of “Europe” in the 1970s

Authors:

Vizzari, Francesco
Justus-Liebig-Universität
francesco.vizzarri@geschichte.uni-giessen.de
In the last two decades, historiography has focused on the entanglement between labour migration, processes of decolonisation and European integration after 1945, repositioning migration as a key analytical lens for understanding wider post-war transformations, such as the consolidation of international human rights frame-works, the articulation of postcolonial discourses and the formation of a suprana-tional European social and cultural space (Laschi, De Plano and Pes 2020). Recent studies have highlighted the extent to which migration intersected with structural inequality and shown that legal exclusion, economic dependency and the racialisation of migrant labour were instrumental in shaping patterns of mobility (Alexopoulou 2024). In this context, migrant activism and the non-governmental organisations that emerged in the trade union and democratic movements in the 1970s have gained traction as the major arenas for the articulation of demands per-taining to human, civil and social rights for ethnic and cultural minorities across Western Europe (Goeke 2020; Carstensen et al. 2022). My paper contributes to this line of research by investigating how Italian migrant worker organisations developed critical perspectives on the structural inequalities underpinning the European migration regime during the 1970s. Focusing on their activities in countries such as Belgium and the Federal Republic of Germany, it ad-dresses the following questions: what role did these organisations play in reshaping post-war discourses on European integration? How did they intervene in national, European and international debates on the rights of migrant workers and ethno-cultural minorities? And what alternative configurations of migration governance, legal frameworks and models of integration and belonging did they envisage within the frame of an evolving European Community? I argue that Italian migrant organisations framed their political and social engage-ment from an explicitly pro-European perspective, actively contributing to what I (provisionally) define as transmigrant Europeanism: a set of political imaginaries advocating multiculturalism in Europe, the overcoming of mono-national societies, the “decolonisation” of international and European migration regimes, broader mi-grant participation in the political and social life of receiving countries, new models of solidarity-based economic development, and closer cooperation with countries of the Global South. A core demand was the promotion of a European free movement model based on real and equal freedom of circulation for all workers, regardless of national origin; one that challenged a migration regime rooted in guestworker poli-cies and temporary labour schemes. Such imaginaries stemmed from the conviction that migrants were the “true citizens of Europe” and that their lived experience, cul-tural heritage and migrant knowledge (Lässig and Steinberg 2017; Westermann and Erdur 2020) was a crucial resource for overcoming nationalist paradigms and creat-ing a future, supranational European identity.
Mobility and Politics: Migrant workers’ rights in the global 1960s

Authors:

Weise, Julie
University of Oregon
jweise@uoregon.edu
In May 1968, all of French society ground to a halt amid a general strike and massive student protests. And in southern France, an agricultural worker recruited on a temporary contract from Valencia, Spain slipped out of a rice estate in the Camargue. He drove his new Vespa to a huge Roman-era amphitheater, where he attended a gathering of socialist youth that the French labor movement had publicized to Spanish workers like him. The electrifying event epitomized the personal freedom that labor migration, for all its grueling indignities, had afforded him. “This is what we were able to do!” he exclaimed in an interview years later. People like him who worked in France, “really opened their eyes, and even demanded things that [in Spain] were unthinkable.” These returned migrant workers helped lay the groundwork for a transition to democracy after Francisco Franco’s death in 1975. In colonial Nyasaland (later known as Malawi), migrant workers weren’t just invited to attend the most important social movement of the day: they were the movement. Signing temporary contracts to work in South Africa’s mines brought Malawian men significant hardship and danger, but also exposure to the anti-apartheid movement as well as cash that would make them pillars of the anti-colonial struggle. They collectively cultivated a nostalgic attitude towards their time in South Africa, performing dances they had learned there at political gatherings. One thing they did not do, before or after independence, was turn opposition to labor recruitment into an animating cause of their movement for freedom. And in the United States, where labor unions had vehemently opposed the recruitment of Mexican workers on temporary contracts since the early twentieth century, United Farm Workers (UFW) iconic Mexican American labor leader César Chávez called for an end to the “Bracero” labor recruitment program after witnessing strike after strike broken by busloads of unsuspecting braceros; of course, in hundreds of oral history interviews recorded years later, braceros themselves almost never recalled having been used in this way. Many braceros who remained in California after the program’s end later lent their support to the UFW as it rode a string of victories in the late 1960s and early 1970s. But fundamentally, the Left politics of the era in the United States—uniquely among the three cases I consider—never regarded workers engaged in circular migration as political actors. This paper is part of a larger project that explores the histories of “temporary” labor migration policies and the people whose lives they shaped, grounded in one case study each from Europe, southern Africa, and North America. I show how mobility—even when pursued under severe capitalist constraints—became a political resource for transborder workers from Franco’s Spain and colonial Nyasaland, with direct consequences for their home and host societies. This argument thus points to the shortcomings of the U.S. labor movement’s approach. Even as its leadership became more ethnically diverse, it continued only to scorn “temporary” migrants.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 208

18. Working Group Arctic and Indigenous Labour

Reframing Labour Histories from the Arctic and Beyond

Chair: Silke Neunsinger

silke.neunsinger@arbark.se

Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library & Department of Economic History Uppsala University

This workshop brings together scholars exploring Sámi livelihoods, Indigenous women’s unpaid and carceral labour, food sovereignty, and struggles for international recognition of Indigenous rights. While rooted in specific case studies, the session moves beyond presenting research: it asks how Arctic and Indigenous labour history can be advanced as a creative, collective field.
Together we will consider how to decentre dominant labour histories, foreground Indigenous voices, and develop collaborative approaches that bridge labour history, Indigenous studies, and global debates on colonialism and rights. The workshop aims to spark new ideas, strengthen networks, and lay the groundwork for a joint publication that pushes the field in fresh directions.

ORGANIZERS

Inger Jonsson
ijonsson9@gmail.com
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library & Department of Economic History Uppsala University
Silke Neunsinger
silke.neunsinger@arbark.se
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library & Department of Economic History Uppsala University
Producing Sami people as a specific race, determined to extinction

Authors:

Stenum, Helle
Roskilde University
Hellest@ruc.dk
Sami people and Sapmi were in the spotlight of European anthroplogists, museum collectors and human zoo organisers from around 1880 and the following at least 50 years, and not only in Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia. Focussig on the Italian anthropologist Paolo Mantegazza’s field work in Sapmi around 1880’ies and the Danish artist and ethnographer Emilie Demant Hatt’s fieldwork and writing from 1906 forward, the idea is to research how Sami people and their everyday life was represented and racialized through the gaze of Mantegazza and Demant and furthermore uncover how they travelled, networked and exchanged ideas and opinions within the transnational network of primarily race scientists work in the years 1880-1910’ish.BIO: Helle Stenum, PhD. Filmmaker, director of 2024 documentary; ‘The Sad Truth’ and 2017 award winning documentary; `We Carry It Within Us. Fragments of a colonial past’. Independent scholar/activist. Lecturer at Roskilde University, Denmark (Cultural Encounters, Department of Communication and Art). She has published on topics such as historical narratives, racism, coloniality and migration.
Culturally adequate food within the elderly care as a facilitator of sustainable local development. An action research among three municipalities with responsibility to administer Sami minority rights

Authors:

Asztalos Morell, Ildikó
Swedish University of Agricultural Science (SLU), Institution for Urban and Rural Development
ildiko.asztalos.morell@slu.se
Rural areas play a pivotal role for a transformation for sustainable futures. Urban areas continue to depend on rural areas for among others food. Meanwhile, due to the integration of food systems with global agro-industrial complex, much of food consumption in urban areas are disconnected from their rural vicinity. This implies also a cultural disconnectedness. Public procurement can play a crucial role to facilitate the strengthening sustainable food production by promoting local and ecologically sound food products in the procurement process. Considering sustainability, key focus has been on adding ecological sustainability to economic, leaving cultural sustainability as well as a social justice perspective apart. Sami are indigenous people and one of five national minorities acknowledged by Sweden. Municipalities and Regions with special task to care for the maintenance of minority culture obtain special responsibilities and budget for promotion. Lack of culturally adapted food is a problem in elderly care in Sweden. This affects, among others, older Sami people within the elderly care, who cannot cook their own food. The project explores how municipalities work for the realization of minority rights, how cultural rights are interpreted in relation to food provided by the public kitchen, how minorities are offered to participate in forming municipal menus, how and which ways their demands are acknowledged, what are the obstacles and opportunities to improve the linkages between the public kitchen and local Sami food producers. Taking into account Sami elderly’s food preferences assume the acquisition of food from Sami traditional producers, which strengthens food sovereignty and acknowledgement of Sami producers and their food chains. In this project participants Ildikó Asztalos Morell, Lena Maria Nilsson, Ellacarin Blind, interviewed elderly Sami, both in groups and individually, about what food they would like to be served in the municipal care for the elderly according to an action model developed by food consultant Ann Sparrock, where we also have a dialogue with officials in Suarssá (Sorsele), Máláge (Malå) and Ubmeje (Umeå), three selected municipalities within the Vindelälven-Juhttátahkka biosphere area representing mountain, forest and urban Sami communities.BIO: Associate professor, senior lecturer at SLU Division of Rural Development At the heart of my interest has been a critical engagement with issues of social justice and citizenship from the intersectional aspects of gender, ethnicity and age. I explore among others how intersectional aspects of social citizenship emerge in the context of socio-economic transitions. I studied the emergence of gender regimes under state socialism and in the postsocialist transition, the postsocialist emergence of family farms, as well as the rise and ethnification of poverty following the integration of CEE as a semi-periphery of the globalised capitalist economy. I engage in a long range of case-studies with a critical analys of the role of public private partnerships in poverty governance under authoritarian populism in rural Hungary. My later research turned to explore the aspects of denizenship, and securitisation of migration to EU by focusing on unpriviliged EU migrants as well as asylumseeking youth. Other aspects of migration research include the study of multicultural ageing. My most recent research interest is directed to indigenous Arctic food sovereignty.
Coming Home: Creating Halfway Houses for Indigenous Women in Canada’s West

Authors:

Nickel, Sarah
University of Alberta and Canada
snickel1@ualberta.ca
This paper examines Indigenous women’s unpaid labour in the carceral system, focusing on the advocacy of the “Native Sisters of Ft. Saskatchewan Jail” in the early 1970s. While incarcerated, these women drafted detailed proposals for a Native Women’s Community House, emphasizing the need for culturally grounded, safe transition spaces upon release—work that combined survival, rehabilitation, and community care. Their efforts paralleled and connected with the unpaid labour of Indigenous women outside prison, who organized visits, built transition houses, and lobbied for policy changes. Taken together, these actions reveal how Indigenous women’s unacknowledged labour, both inside and outside prison walls, challenged structures of overincarceration and criminalization while insisting on community responsibility and Indigenous self-determination.BIO: Sarah Nickel is an Associate Professor of History at the University of Alberta and Canada Research Chair (Tier 2) in Indigenous Politics and Gender. She is a member of Tk’emlúps te Secwépemc, located in the interior of British Columbia and is author of the award-winning book Assembling Unity: Indigenous Politics, Gender and the Union of BC Indian Chiefs. She has co-edited and co-authored collections on Indigenous feminisms, and her next book titled Active Women: Indigenous Women’s Social and Political Work in Kanata’s West will be published with the University of Toronto Press in late 2025
Tracing Sámi Labour Histories in Samefolket: Decentring the Swedish Model

Authors:

Jonsson, Inger
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library & Department of Economic History Uppsala University
ijonsson9@gmail.com
In our presentation, we aim to discuss how the Swedish journal Samefolket can serve as a starting point for investigating labour relations and livelihoods in Sweden’s Far North. We want to combine labour history and Indigenous studies to analyse how the Swedish model of Labour relations shaped and marginalised non-standard employment between the 1930s and 1980s. We propose using Samernas tidning as a starting point for examining the everyday work and income strategies of the Sámi and other local populations. We aim to investigate how questions of employment, reindeer husbandry, handicrafts, seasonal work, and new industrial opportunities were discussed and debated in the journal. By tracing these narratives, the study aims to reveal how Sámi organisations and communities engaged with changing labour regimes, negotiated their position in the labour market, and developed strategies of survival and resistance. This approach contributes to decentring the Swedish model and broadening the concept of work in 20th-century Swedish labour history by including Indigenous voices and experiences that have long been marginalised.BIO: Inger Jonsson is an associate professor of economic history and affiliated researcher at The Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library and Uppsala University. Jonsson has broad expertise in labour and gender history and she has combined different traditional historical records with interviews.Silke Neunsinger is the co-ordinator of research at the Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library and is affiliated with the Department of Economic History at Uppsala University. Her research focuses on global labour history, including the history of equal pay and the history of minimum wages. She is the editor of the Swedish labour history journal Arbetarhistoria
ILO Convention 169

Authors:

Baer, Lars-Anders
Retired, see BIO
lab@sameby.se
ILO Convention 169, adopted in 1989, marked a turning point in international standards concerning the rights of Indigenous peoples by recognizing their rights to land, culture, identity, and participation in decision-making. It laid the groundwork for later instruments, especially the 2007 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP), which expanded and deepened these rights. ILO 169's legally binding nature influenced the evolution toward stronger global recognition of Indigenous self-determination, cultural integrity, and collective rights.BIO: Lars-Anders Baer is a longtime Sámi politician, activist, and human rights advocate, known for his extensive work on Indigenous rights at both national and international levels. He has served as President of the Sámi Parliament in Sweden . Internationally, Baer has represented the Sámi people in several key forums, including the United Nations, where involved drafting of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. He has also been involved in the Arctic Council and was a member in with the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues. As a longtime member of the Sámi Council, an pan Sámi NGO , he was involved in the revision of ILO convention no 107 known as the "Indigenous and Tribal Populations Convention from 1957, that was replaced by the ILO Convention No. 169, formally known as the Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 207

12. Workers' Education

4. Feminist Labour History

Educating women workers. Feminist Perspectives on Workers’ Education

Workers’ education, meaning education organised by and for the working class, was designed to expand access to knowledge, compensate for limited formal schooling, and empower workers culturally and politically. It provided skills for managing organisations, representing labour parties, and engaging in ideological debates, while also fostering collective traditions through formats such as labour colleges, folk high schools, and study circles.
A feminist perspective highlights how gendered inequalities profoundly shaped these initiatives. Women workers often faced exclusion from both workplaces and educational structures. Yet, workers’ education also created spaces where they could develop leadership skills, articulate feminist critiques, and challenge patriarchal norms within the labour movement and society. In this sense, workers’ education not only advanced class empowerment but also intersected with struggles for gender justice.
The contributions in this session examine how feminist perspectives on pedagogy, culture, and organisation reframe workers’ education, situating it within both national experiences and transnational networks of solidarity and contestation. This is a joint session organised by the working groups Workers’ Education and Feminist Labour History.

ORGANIZERS

Laot, Françoise
francoise.laot@univ-paris8.fr
Université Paris8, LIAgE
Jansson, Jenny
jenny.jansson@statsvet.uu.se
Uppsala University
Labor training for independence and survival: all-female spaces for Irish girls and women in the long nineteenth-century

Authors:

Raftery, Deirdre
University College Dublin
deirdre.raftery@ucd.ie
When the Irish Industrial Schools Act was passed in 1868, it formalized the training of poor Irish girls in industrial schools, where they learned needlework and laundry work. However, practical education in weaving, sewing, plaiting, and laundry work, had been given to girls at least since the end of the 18th century, through informal female networks and within all-female spaces. Such training gave poor girls the wherewithal to support themselves, and in many cases it helped them to avoid becoming sex workers. This paper shines a light on the little-known types of training given by women to girls, to help them to have economic independence. Such independence also meant that they did not need to rely on husbands and fathers; and most importantly it gave them survival skills for the purposes of emigration. The two most important all-female spaces in which training for labor was provided were convents and industrial schools. During the Great Famine (1845-‘52) women’s ability to earn their own bread became critical, at a time when over one million Irish emigrated, and almost 1.5 million died. Some women emigrated with the support of ‘female emigration societies’ but most had to either arrange their own passage and employment, or be assisted by female networks. Drawing on a large range of archival sources from convents and industrial schools, this paper offers new insight into how older women - including nuns - supported younger women and girls to learn skills and to enter the labor economy in order to survive. All-female spaces emerge as having played a critical - thought heretofore unacknowledged - place in labor training for girls and young women.
Hope and Despair: Female workers’ professional status in the Yugoslav industry

Authors:

Bošnjak, Mato
Malmö University
mato.bosnjak@mau.se
This paper explores the position of female blue-collar workers in the Yugoslav self-managed industry during the post-Second World War decades, focusing mainly on the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s. It draws from Yugoslavia’s official statistical records and written sources archived by Yugoslavia’s central platform for discussing women’s issues and their solutions. The paper focuses on female workers’ qualifications and working positions, their membership in workers’ councils (the self-management’s core democratic bodies), and their participation in workers’ education programmes, as these aspects and their intersections profoundly shaped their professional and social status and access to opportunity structures within the Yugoslav industry. Although female blue-collar workers theoretically had equal access to these aspects, the paper shows that their access was undermined by an overarching inequality regime based on socially constructed gender differences operating both within and beyond factories, as well as by the unofficial, class-based regulation of council membership and participation in workers’ education programmes. This framework has profoundly contributed to the positioning of female workers as a predominantly unqualified labour force and underrepresented in workers’ councils, thereby reinforcing their secondary status and segregation by both gender and class. Gendered assumptions that women were incapable of performing advanced jobs or holding leadership positions further limited their access to workers’ councils. The class-based regulation of council elections also disadvantaged female workers, who were concentrated in unqualified and semi-qualified roles. As this paper shows, women were primarily employed in low-accumulating, feminised industries and in temporary or seasonal jobs that required no formal qualifications, while more profitable, male-dominated sectors employed women mainly in manual jobs experiencing male labour shortages—positions that offered little opportunity for skill development or advancement. Fundamentally, the gendered distribution of jobs and the lack of qualifications among female workers were mutually reinforcing dynamics: women’s concentration in low-skilled and low-accumulating sectors restricted their access to workers’ education programmes, while their exclusion from such programmes in turn perpetuated their confinement to low-status, low-mobility occupations.
Understanding the reproduction of gender inequality in workplaces through oral history: Italian women's life experiences in technical schools and male- dominated spaces of work since the 1960s.

Authors:

Betti, Eloisa
University of Padua
eloisa.betti@unipd.it
During the recent project, “Gender, Labour and Technical Culture” [Genere, lavoro e cultura tecnica], more than two dozen interviews were collected with women and young girls who attended technical schools in the Bologna area and the Emilia-Romagna Region from the 1960s to the 2020s. The interviewees represented three different generations of women, born in the late 1940s – early 1950s, in the 1960s and between the late 1990s and early 2000s. Thanks to the analysis of these interviews, the contribution will examine several aspects related to the reproduction of gender inequalities in male-dominated workplaces. Additional sources, such as industrial and family photographs, will be considered to compare and contrast oral and visual sources. The latter allows us to understand how spaces were organised in both female and mixed technical schools, but also the experience of the factory spaces for women who dared to apply for more qualified and technical jobs. Oral sources are particularly important in revealing how male-dominated workplaces have influenced women's enrolment in technical schools and the gender segregation experienced by young women during internships, as well as in factories and other workplaces once they were hired. The research shows that gender segregation continues between training spaces and workplaces. During the economic boom (1958-1963), Italian women attending technical schools were often placed in separate curricula and classes, to maintain physical distance between male and female students. In the case study considered, this practice ended in the late 1960s, thanks to the combined efforts of the women's and workers' movements, which campaigned to overcome backward ideology, a campaign which succeeded at least in the education system. However, women entering factories in the 1960s and 1970s with a technical degree were initially discriminated against within factory spaces and were rarely put in charge due to the significant glass ceiling (still existing nowadays). Furthermore, in 1960s and 70s Italian factories, women were usually employed in production (especially on assembly lines) as unskilled or semi-skilled blue-collar workers or in offices as administrative staff. Consequently, women who attempted to overcome such a division of labour to work in more qualified roles in technical offices, laboratories or production division often experienced exclusion, segregation and sexual harassment. Despite the strength of the Italian feminist movement, spatial segregation in technical schools and male-dominated workplaces did not stop in the 1970s. The experiences of women who obtained their high school diplomas between late 2010 and early 2020 revealed that these segregation processes were not confined to the past, but were still operating in technical schools, training programmes and male-dominated workplaces. Through women's voices, the paper will address the enduring stereotypes and forms of discrimination that are strictly connected to the male-dominated workplace. It will discuss the idea that women are not able to do technical jobs because they are incapable of using machines, and the recurring idea that young women cannot work in almost exclusive male workplaces as they can hinder men's productivity with their presence and appearance.
Back to work: women's retraining as a space where to learn about the gender division of labour (sixties and seventies France)

Authors:

Laot, Françoise F.
Université Paris 8, LIAgE
francoise.laot@univ-paris8.fr
In France, the year 1965 has been identified by many researchers in gender studies as a turning point in the recognition as a social problem of what was then called ‘the feminine condition’. Here, we will focus on the changes taking place in the social analysis of women's relationship to “work”, studied from the angle of women's training. The paper is based on research I have carried out over the last few years in various archive collections, and on the study of first-hand documents, in particular sociological studies from the 1950s-1970s and film documents broadcast on French television. Media coverage of the two-humped ‘women's work’ statistical curve A number of factors contributed to the spread of writings on ‘women's work’, an expression which in fact often meant women salaried employment. However, the dissociation of the two concepts was not clearly identified in public opinion, as feminist writings pointing to women's unpaid work in the home still had little resonance. In addition, the 1962 census was misinterpreted by policymakers, who read in it a decline in female employment, which turned out to be a nonsense. However, surveys undertaken by of the first female sociologists made a major contribution to shedding light on women workers, those in actual employment, as those in unrecognised ones (as their husbands' ‘assistants’ in commerce or agriculture). Number of papers then commented on the famous ‘two humped statistical curve’ that showed that after a first vocational activity in their youth, many women - encouraged to do so by natalist policies and social pressure - withdrew during long years to ‘bring up their children’ and then returned to work around the age of forty. In the mainstream media (the women's press, radio and television in particular), the question ‘for or against women working’ was very often put in such caricatured and guilt-inducing terms, but this began to change in the second half of the 1960s: the emphasis gradually shifted towards the disqualification of ‘housewives’ and the identification of obstacles to returning to work, of which the lack of training for women was one of the most significant. An international context enabling new ideas on women's training The ‘backwardness’ or inadequacy of vocational education and training programmes available to women became an issue for international trade unions, debated in various international bodies. The hindrance of family burdens was highlighted and the first claims for a better sharing of domestic tasks within couples made their timid appearance. These debates were imported into national trade unions and public bodies in France, where, at the same time, natalist policies were beginning to wane: the economic development required an increase in the workforce, including women. However, this reversal could appear politically risky. This is why initiatives remained timid and limited. Talk of developing training for women focuses solely on the problem of getting housewives back to work, and continues to make all working women, who are in the majority in the working classes, invisible. Lone mothers (who did not have the choice of whether or not to work), but also women managers - who exist in certain sectors, particularly teaching and care - had never been considered as the target audience for training. All was thought as if training for women were not supposed to enable them, just like men, to progress in their careers.
Modernization without income-generation? Rural women’s education and the reconfiguration of subsistence labour in 1960s–1970s Turkey

Authors:

Çağatay, Selin
Central European University
cagatays@ceu.edu
This paper examines state educational programs in Turkey aimed at modernizing rural women’s subsistence work and transforming it into a source of income. It focuses on the role of labour and development experts active in international organizations such as the ILO and UNDP, state institutions and rural development-oriented NGOs, and their collaboration, in shaping these programs. The timeframe of the paper is the 1960s and 1970s, a period marked by the overlap of the two UN Development Decades and centralized developmentalist socio-economic policies in Turkey.State educational programs for rural women were initiated in the late 1930s in the form of ‘mobile schools for village women.’ Mobile schools initially addressed the modernization of rural women’s household labour by offering short-term courses on literacy and home economics. From the 1960s onward, mobile schools’ curricula expanded to include topics on other aspects of subsistence work such as handicrafts and farming as well as a focus on ‘social development’ as an overarching paradigm. By the end of the 1970s, nearly 4.000 courses each year reached out to 60.000 rural women in Turkey. Throughout these two decades, international and local experts in labour and development increasingly argued that rural women’s education should be oriented toward income generation – first to support national development, and later to promote women’s economic empowerment. Yet, after several curriculum reforms and joint pilot projects by the state and international organizations, the attempts at turning the household and its surroundings into a ‘remunerated workplace’ for rural women have remained largely ineffective. Among the main reasons experts identified – many of whom were women – were the insufficient number of schools and learning material, the non-adaptation of the curricula to local needs, and the high dropout rates among women due to unpaid care and agricultural labour.The paper investigates the impact of educational programs on rural women’s work in the household and its surroundings by reconstructing expert-level discussions and policymaking on the subject. It does so by utilizing a wide range of sources such as mission and project reports by the ILO and other UN agencies, parliamentary debates, and publications by state institutions (such as ministries and universities) as well as rural development-oriented NGOs. An initial analysis of these sources suggest that, despite a broad agreement between local and international labour and development experts (the differences in their visions of gendered social relations notwithstanding) over transforming rural women’s subsistence labour from unpaid to paid, national and global uneven development and the state protection of dominant class, racial/ethnic and gender interests have been major obstacles to achieving this goal. As a result, education during the development decades facilitated the reconfiguration of rural women’s subsistence labour toward modernization, without necessarily leading to income generation.

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 220

19. Economic and Industrial Democracy

Workplace Democracy and Statehood: Constitutionalism, Corporatism & National Liberation

Chair: Philipp Urban

Since at least the end of the 18th century, social reformers, labor leaders, organized workers, and political movements have promoted democratic control of the workplace, industry, and economic life as a crucial precondition not only for social justice and material security but also for political democracy more generally. In so doing, they have highlighted that when workers and employees lack effective voice at work and control over the labor process, their political participation and formal political equality is seriously curtailed more broadly. Indeed, many have argued that political democracy will fail to materialize or, where it existed, soon experience ‘backsliding’ should democratic rights over work, industry, and the economy be withheld or decline. Against this backdrop, intellectuals, political and trade union actors, and social movements proposed a wide range of theories as well as practical measures that underlined the participation of employees and labor in decision-making as a prerequisite for the sustainability of democratic rule. In light of the current attacks on democratic institutions, we believe that now is the time to re-think what role the improvement and expansion of employee participation in industrial and economic decision-making might play in the fight for the future of our democracies.
Today, growing fears of democratic erosion in the political sphere happen to follow on the heels of a general decline of economic democracy over the last decades. For this reason, we want to explore the role that ‘democracy’ has played in the thinking, organizing, and lived experiences of past and present-day individuals and movements pushing for greater control over individual workplaces, whole industries, and entire economies. Instead of concentrating on how workplace democracy has impacted economic performance, productivity, and employee satisfaction–the focus of much previous research–we want to go to the heart of our subject and ask: whether, how, and why democracy at work strengthens and improves democracy in a variety of other social spheres, from families and civic organizations to local communities, the nation state and the international arena?

Panel 2: Workplace Democracy and Statehood: Constitutionalism, Corporatism & National Liberation

“The Genius of Industry That Gives Life to Nations.” Republic, Labor, and Democracy as Popular Political Organization in Spanish America (1835–1847)

Authors:

Matias X. Gonzalez
University of Turin
matiasxerxes.gonzalezfield@unito.it
In the 1830s and 1840s, the articulation of “the people” in Spanish America unfolded through various constitutional experiments. Citizenship could be conceived through different notions of capacity, interest, opinion, and virtue—mobilized by diverse groups and populations who often introduced subtle shifts or “slippages” into the principles of state representation. This paper analyzes how working groups, tied to economic-political stabilization projects, posed fundamental challenges to both republican and monarchical forms of representation during the period. It argues that their particular articulation of republic, democracy, and labor created tensions for both corporative and individual-liberal modes of representation. This rupture did not simply entail a rejection of elites and the state; rather, laboring groups displayed varied modes of incorporation and hybridization of economic and political practices. By analyzing the intellectual and personal networks of industrial actors such as Joaquín Abreu, Sotero Prieto, Estévan Guénot, Vicente Ortigosa, François Devay, and Victor Considérant, this paper reveals that national politico-economic projects—typically labeled as “industrial”—actually reflected alternative forms of political community. The study reconstructs the networks formed between industrialists, workers, republicans, and politicians across Mexico, Guadalajara, Madrid, Barcelona, and Paris, as a symptom of mobilized citizenship and nation-building efforts grounded in working and laboring practices. It thus suggests that within the exchange and contestation of politico-economic projects in the Spanish American space, conceptions of political community emerged that challenged the dominant republicanisms and monarchisms of the era through the imaginary of work. Work, in this sense, appears to displace conventional representation within alternative political languages, becoming the condition of possibility for organizing and constructing civic and national virtue from and for working subjects.
Workers’ Participation during Austrofascism (1933–38) The Settlement of Collective Labor Disputes in the Corporate Committees

Authors:

Elisabeth Luif
Central European University, Vienna
luif_elisabeth@phd.ceu.edu
Upon seizing power in 1933/34, the Austrofascist regime proclaimed the creation of a corporatist state: instead of engaging in class struggle, from now on, employers and employees should on work together, jointly organized within seven vocational associations (Berufstände). Regime actors explained that parliamentary democracy had failed and promoted corporatism as a superior form of popular participation. However, the regime’s efforts to integrate the population into their state-building project went together with repressive measures directed mainly against workers, including the banning of the leftist labor movement, the prohibition of strikes, or austerity politics. While the regime did not manage to fully implement a corporatist structure before Austria’s annexation to Nazi-Germany in 1938, one tangible result of their endeavors was the establishment of the Corporate Committees (Berufständische Ausschüsse) in 1936. These were appointed to arbitrate collective labor disputes in commerce, trade, and industry. Judgments were made by bipartite committees, consisting of equal numbers of employer and employee representatives. In my paper, I analyze the Corporate Committees as an institutional framework allowing limited workers’ participation in economic matters within an authoritarian state. After situating them within the existing system of labor arbitration in interwar Austria, I examine how different regime actors envisioned the role of workers within these committees. I then discuss their practical functioning, including the action scope of employee members, and their impact on collective bargaining and the enforcement of collective agreements. The example of 1930s Austria provides another perspective to discuss the relationship between economic and political democracy. While political democracy was entirely dismantled, limited forms of participation persisted in the economic sphere. Did these spaces empower workers to improve their conditions? Did they rather foster resistance or – as regime actors intended – compliance and support for Austrofascism?
Self-Determination at Work : The Debate on Industrial and Economic Democracy in Corsican Nationalism (1984–1989)

Authors:

Guillaume Genoud
University of Évry–Paris-Saclay
guillaume.genoud@outlook.com
The 1980s marked a pivotal shift in the ideological direction of Corsican nationalism. What began as a movement centered on the demand for “self-determination for the Corsican people” gradually expanded to embrace broader social demands. A key moment came in 1984 with the founding of the Syndicat des travailleurs corses (Corsican Workers Union, STC), where a growing number of union activists began to articulate a vision of “social liberation” closely tied to the pursuit of national liberation. From that point on, nationalist discourse increasingly emphasized the creation of a new Corsican society grounded in the principles of what they called “original socialism.” As debates intensified over the meaning of this “original socialism,” the STC became a key forum for exploring the relationship between self-determination and self-management. These theoretical discussions soon led to practical initiatives, most notably, the establishment of several worker cooperatives beginning in 1986. This wave of experimentation, largely driven by a Bastia- based group of militants influenced by the ideals of the French New Left, lost momentum in the wake of growing internal divisions that fragmented the nationalist movement after 1989. This paper aims to revisits these largely overlooked debates in order to examine how a segment of the nationalist movement came to view economic and industrial democracy as essential tools in the fight against what they described as a “colonial mentality.” By promoting a shift toward a “democratic mentality,” these activists aimed not only to empower Corsican workers as active citizens but also to allow the Corsican people as a whole to reclaim collective control over the island’s economic future. The investigation draws on archival records from the STC, articles from nationalist publications of the 1980s, and oral testimonies gathered through interviews with twelve key nationalist organizers directly involved in these debates and initiatives.

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 206

15. Labour and Empire

Geographies of labor: colonial labor and the environment

Chair: Lorenzo Costaguta

The environmental history of labour and empire.

ORGANIZERS

Nicki Kindersley
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
Cardiff University
‘The sky filled with golden wings’: locust corvées in Syria and Lebanon under the French mandate (1920-1941)

Authors:

Nelson-Gabin, Luca
Aix-Marseille Université
luca.gabin.nelson@gmail.com
On 8 April 1930, in the Bekaa valley (Lebanon), a flight of locusts swept through the crops. Following information from the French High Commission, Lebanese gendarmes were deployed and forced all residents aged 16 to 60—men, women and children—to mobilise. Refusal was punishable by fines. Mayors and rural wardens designated where the locusts had landed. Villagers were woken at three in the morning and sent to the infested fields. Numb with dew, the locusts were easily collected: each inhabitant, under gendarmerie supervision, had to fill a bag with a quantity determined by the regional agronomist, then return it to the village. There, the bags were weighed, and if the weight was correct, the resident received a receipt certifying participation. The insects were scalded and buried. But the corvées had only just begun: in the following weeks, land infested with eggs had to be ploughed and protective trenches dug.These corvées had existed for centuries when the French mandate was enforced in 1920, but the High Commission reorganised antilocust measures and placed police and agronomists at the head of the effort. This central role of appointed experts in administering colonial labour aimed to optimise agriculture and land use for colonial policies. Yet this labour was often contested and reshaped by the workers themselves, transforming social hierarchies and scientific understandings of locust invasions.This study draws on the Anti-Locust archive at the Natural History Museum (London), which contains weekly reports, maps, and correspondence between scientists, administrators and locust control officers. It is supported by documents from the High Commission and the Armed Forces: police reports, agricultural correspondence, and village petitions.
Cutting the landscape: work during the direct colonisation of southern Sudan

Authors:

Kindersley, Nicki
Cardiff University
kindersleyn1@cardiff.ac.uk
This paper uses research from a variety of archives in Europe and South Sudan to reconstruct wider worlds of work in the early colonization and ‘pacification’ of the southern Nile Valley over the 1890s-1930s. It builds on a new wave of research on colonial labour exploitation and taxation in Africa that has focused primarily on forced labour for private commerce and for the colonial government itself (Okia 2019; Greiner 2022).Taking up the ELHN Labour & Empire theme of scale, this paper looks at the much wider worlds of work, within which these types of exploitative labour were navigated and understood. The study works from what is now South Sudan in the southern Nile Valley, where by the 1880s various political communities were being incorporated into modern capitalist networks through slave-raiding, commodity trading and building transport networks.This study uses the idea of ‘cutting’ to explore the wider geographies of labour that were demanded on this capital frontier, as the Sudd swamp was cut through for trade access by local workers. They also cut grass, stone, riverbank farmlands and wood for steamer engines, and cut spiked rampart poles and thorn-hedges for fortifying villages against government-backed armed merchant-raiders and ‘pacifying’ armies. Combining local government archives, colonial officer diaries and South Sudanese histories and songs, this paper sets out this wider geography of work – what work was demanded by whom, what work was necessary – to explore a wider social world of cash, colonization and worthwhile work.
War on the peasants, war on tambú: a spatial analysis of labor reserve production on Curaçao, 1913-1930

Authors:

van Gaalen, Thomas
Radboud University
thomas.vangaalen@ru.nl
Histories of Curaçao, a small Dutch Caribbean island close to Venezuela, mark the ‘oil boom’ as a watershed in the island’s history. After mainland oil wells were discovered, island elites dedicated Curaçao’s economy to petro-chemical industry—and in 1918, Curaçao became home to the world’s largest oil refinery. Taking Curaçao as a case study to showcase how the industrialization of the Caribbean went hand in hand with the construction of a new type of laborer, this paper delves into Curaçaoan governmental and company policies to argue that island elites—answering burgeoning US capitalist expansion—viewed the production and accumulation of a mobile, ever-precarious and commodified ‘labor reserve,’ rather than the oil industry in and of itself, as their key to wealth. Toggling between geographical scales—from hyperlocal to transnational—through a spatial analysis of maps, displacement processes and enclosure policies, the paper proposes a chronology that contests the ‘oil boom’ narrative. Instead, it centers ever-harshening practices to enclose, discipline and stratify labor—from a ‘war on the peasants’ in 1913, which set out to transform Curaçao’s peasant population into a economically dependent, enclosed, movable and publicly surveyed workforce, to the racialized ‘war on tambú’ of 1930, which banned Afro-Curaçaoan tambú musical festivities in an attempt to crush the remaining public and common spaces developed by the Afro-Curaçaoan peasantry. Building on scholarship on accumulation and Caribbean labor history, the paper unpacks how state surveillance, land reform and stratification policies turned post-slavery Caribbean islands into factories of cheap, mobile surplus labor.

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 208

9. Maritime Labour History

(II) Race, Ethnicity and Gender in Maritime Labour History

Chair: Burton, Valerie

vburton@mun.ca

Memorial University of Newfoundland

This session brings together new perspectives on how race, ethnicity and gender characterised maritime labour from the eighteenth to the twentieth century in a global context. The contributions draw on a wide range of sources (autobiographies, digitised archives, family histories, and official investigations) to explore how maritime workers navigated structures of inequality, coercion and discipline, as well as how they forged forms of agency, identity and community. It examines how seafarers’ bodies, skills and identities were mobilised, disciplined or marginalised in imperial and industrial settings, while autobiographical and biographical perspectives reveal how individuals themselves reflected on these dividing lines of race, gender and class. This approach not only recovers neglected groups in maritime history but also situates maritime labour within wider debates on proletarianization and the social history of capitalism. In sum, the session demonstrates the value of integrating race, ethnicity and gender into maritime labour history not as peripheral concerns but as central analytical categories. It reveals how seafarers’ lives, whether on naval ships, in merchant fleets, fishing economies, wartime shipping or port communities, were deeply entwined with broader processes of migration, empire and industrialisation.

ORGANIZERS

Burton, Valerie
vburton@mun.ca
Memorial University of Newfoundland
Loockx, Kristof
kristof.loockx@uantwerpen.be
Centre for Urban History, University of Antwerp
Page Campos, Eduard
eduardpage@ub.edu
Universitat de Barcelona
Working on the P&O: Race, Ethnicity, and Power Relations on P&O Ocean Liners, 1945-1970

Authors:

Davis, Colin J.
University of Alabama at Birmingham
cjdavis@uab.edu
The Peninsular and Oriental Ocean Liner company (P&O) was described by noted maritime historian Freda Harcourt as the “flagship of Empire.” The P&O ships voyaged between England and India and Australia, thus connecting England with its colonial holdings in South Asia, and the Southeast Asia ports of Penang, Singapore, and Hong Kong. Each ocean liner carried on average 1,500 passengers and 500 crew. The crews were multinational and multi racial. Half of the crew were English Whites. Pakistanis labored in the engine rooms, while deck crews were Indian Hindus. The largest segment of South Asias, Goans, were in the purser’s department. Because of their Christian heritage Goans worked in the kitchens and served meat dishes. Working on ocean liners was a unique endeavor. Unlike most maritime workers, P&O crew daily interacted with passengers. Serving food and drinks, cleaning cabins, and providing entertainment ensured that P&O workers could not avoid the gaze of passengers and officers. The voyages to India and beyond could take up to six weeks, providing ample time for both passengers and crew to acclimatize to the rhythms of sea-going life. The working lives of P&O were strictly controlled by maritime law. These laws spelled out the responsibilities of crew to obey orders from all officers. Their work regimes were framed by restrictive rules codified by fines and other legal punishments. Crew who failed to appear for their jobs could be charged with “absence without leave,” and fined. Resistance in the form of ignoring or questioning orders came under the auspices of “refusal to obey a lawful order” or “using obscene language.” Walking off the job entailed being charged with desertion. Crew members, both White and Black had to navigate their way through a labyrinth of rules and company expectations. These workers bristled at the strict control over their working lives and living arrangements on board ship. My paper will focus on how these workers labored in a racial hierarchy and one charged by strict discipline. Additionally, the paper will discuss the interactions between crew and passengers. In many cases, fraternization between these two groups was very common, including sexual liaisons. Ships’ officers tried mightily to control these interactions, but working and living in close proximity ensured that friendships did develop.
A militarized civilian workforce: Labour, Identity and Mobilisation in the Norwegian and other Allied Merchant Fleets during the Second World War

Authors:

Rosendahl, Bjørn Tore
RKIVET Peace and Human Rights Centre
btr@arkivet.no
This paper explores how Norwegian and other Allied authorities handled the ambiguous status of merchant seafarers during the Second World War—caught between civilian and militarized labour. Drawing on new archival findings and a transnational analytical framework, the paper argues that the Norwegian wartime shipping administration pursued a dual policy: seafarers were expected to carry out their ordinary peacetime work under extraordinary wartime conditions. To conceptualize this, the study introduces a distinction between "seafarers" and "war sailors"—terms used to examine the tensions between normality and war in maritime labour policy. Compared to normal procedures in peace, continuity of these parameters is interpreted as a “seafarer” perspective, while changes are generally understood in a “war sailor” perspective. The mobilisation of Norwegian crews relied on both voluntary appeals to patriotism and coercive legal and diplomatic measures—many of which required British and American support. Disputes over conditions for seafarers from Allied countries sparked tensions between their governments and Norway. Chinese and Indian crews did not have the same support and were subject to racism and discrimination both on-board the ships and by the authorities. While national historiographies have often obscured these dynamics, this paper demonstrates that Allied collaboration significantly shaped the different maritime nations’ crew policy. The paper also addresses the changing demographics of the Norwegian fleet, which moved from Chinese-dominated crews in peacetime to largely British crews during the war, before returning to Asian labour in the post-war period. This demographic shift reflects broader issues of race, discipline, and economic pragmatism in maritime labour history. Through its international approach and focus on legal frameworks, employer-state cooperation, and labour relations, the paper contributes to a more nuanced understanding of the maritime workforce in wartime. It highlights the inadequacy of peacetime labour policies when civilian workers are drawn into war efforts—and shows how the experience of Norwegian merchant seafarers reveals the porous boundaries between civilian labour and military service at sea during war—an underexplored facet of wartime mobilisation.
“A Carnival of Calumny”: Stereotypes of British and Asian Seamen in the Age of Steam

Authors:

Watzig, Michelle
University of Heidelberg
michelle.watzig@zegk.uni-heidelberg.de
The historian Graeme J. Milne argues in his monograph Making Men in the Age of Sail that in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, despite – or rather because of – the economic decline of sailing vessels, the identity of seamen was still strongly linked to the image of seamen as sailors. This adherence to traditional values and representations of seafaring men stands in a broader social, economic, and political context. In my paper, I argue that the structural transformation in seafaring from sail to steam not only affected the social status of seamen — for instance, in terms of masculinity — but also called into question their economic value, political representation, and relationship to the Empire. A catalyst as well as a lens for these effects was the relation between British and Asian seamen. With the expansion of steam navigation, British shipping companies increasingly hired non-British personnel, especially Asians who worked as firemen and trimmers. By the early 20th century, these Asian seamen were frequently perceived as the antagonists of British seamen. Consequently, the National Union of Seamen launched a massive campaign in its magazine The Seaman, claiming that Asian seamen drove down wages and undermined core values of British seamen such as loyalty, industriousness, and masculine respectability. Moreover, the magazine criticised the disparaging image of British seamen propagated by authorities such as the Shipping Federation, which favoured Asian seamen over the British. The question of how British and Asian seamen distinguished themselves from one another, and the creation of distinct stereotypes, was embedded in contemporary xenophobic, racist, and classist debates in the British Empire. My paper discusses the struggles British seamen faced as a result of the structural transformation in seafaring, drawing on historical stereotype research. Since stereotypes not only construct images of “the other” but also disclose the anxieties and values of those who deploy them, analysing representations of British and Asian seamen in The Seaman sheds light on the (self-)perception of British seamen in the Age of Steam. The struggles British seamen faced, I argue, were not caused by the hiring of Asian seamen, but were revealed and articulated through comparisons with them. By examining prominent stereotypes circulated in The Seaman, this paper focuses particularly on the social and economic consequences of steamship labour for the (self-)perception of British seamen, and thus contributes to wider debates on maritime labour, race, and identity.
“Queen of Chinatown:” Chunting and Liverpool’s 1907 Investigation of Chinese Seafaring Community

Authors:

Xuan, Yuntian
Rutgers University
yx394@history.rutgers.edu
In 1907, the Liverpool City Council conducted the first official investigation into the local Chinese community in British history. Spanning six months and comprising more than twenty hearings, the inquiry culminated in a thirteen-page report. The investigation stemmed from anxieties over the increasing number of Chinese residents, including concerns about economic competition, citizenship, and masculinity. Chinese seamen who had sporadically settled in British ports since the Napoleonic Wars, together with those systematically recruited by British shipping firms–most notably, the Blue Funnel Line–beginning in 1893, formed what became the largest Chinese community in Europe at the time—a community that was predominantly maritime in nature.Departing from the commonly cited final report, this article turns instead to the records of seventeen hearings preserved in the Liverpool Record Office. It centers on a key intermediary in the Chinese community who was also a rare female figure within the seafaring world: Chunting, a second-generation Chinese woman born in Singapore and known as the “Queen of Chinatown.” Her multiple roles as a grassroots mediator not only reshape our understanding of the political collectivism and labor-capital relations in early twentieth-century maritime communities in Europe but also complicate the male-dominated landscape of the dockside world.
Beyond the Inscription Maritime: Race, Recruitment, and Labour in the French Maritime World during the Long Eighteenth Century

Authors:

Young, Jeremy
Social Sciences at Valor International Scholars
j.c.young@orange.fr
This paper investigates the recruitment of black and foreign sailors in the French maritime world during the second half of the eighteenth century, with a particular focus on the intersection of race, ethnicity, and naval labour. It draws upon archival research conducted for my doctoral thesis, as well as findings from my published article, “Looking for Black Sailors in the Eighteenth-Century French Navy” (https://doi.org/10.1177/0843871422109), which highlighted the stark contrast between British and French naval policies concerning the employment of black sailors. While the British Royal Navy recruited men of African descent in noticeable numbers, black sailors were almost entirely absent from French warships. This paper seeks to explain this discrepancy by situating it within the broader framework of French naval recruitment policy and maritime labour structures. The French system of recruitment—centred on the inscription maritime, a compulsory registration and service system for seafarers—was originally designed under Colbert to ensure a steady supply of trained seamen for both the navy and the merchant marine. However, as T. J. A. Le Goff demonstrated in his seminal article on the Seven Years’ War, by the second half of the eighteenth century this system was struggling to meet the growing demands of naval warfare and commercial expansion. In this context of manpower shortages, my research explores the alternative solutions pursued by French authorities and private actors. Using ship logs, muster rolls, and port records from both the French Navy and the merchant fleet—including sources from the French West Indies, particularly Guadeloupe—I examine the limited yet notable instances of black and foreign sailors being recruited into service. In doing so, the paper interrogates the ways in which racial and ethnic boundaries were negotiated in practice, as opposed to formal regulations. The paper argues that despite the formal exclusion of enslaved and free black men from naval service, labour shortages and the demands of wartime logistics created openings—albeit irregular and often undocumented—for racialised sailors to participate in maritime labour. This case study contributes to wider debates on the racialisation of labour in imperial settings, and challenges assumptions about the rigidity of early modern naval hierarchies. By engaging with the conference’s theme of Gender, ethnicity and race in maritime and port labour, this paper offers a transimperial perspective on how race and necessity intersected in shaping the composition of maritime labour forces in eighteenth-century France.

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 209

19. Economic and Industrial Democracy

Toward Contemporary Challenges: Neoliberalism, the Climate Crisis & the Future of Democratic Rule

Chair: Thomas Adams

Since at least the end of the 18th century, social reformers, labor leaders, organized workers, and political movements have promoted democratic control of the workplace, industry, and economic life as a crucial precondition not only for social justice and material security but also for political democracy more generally. In so doing, they have highlighted that when workers and employees lack effective voice at work and control over the labor process, their political participation and formal political equality is seriously curtailed more broadly. Indeed, many have argued that political democracy will fail to materialize or, where it existed, soon experience ‘backsliding’ should democratic rights over work, industry, and the economy be withheld or decline. Against this backdrop, intellectuals, political and trade union actors, and social movements proposed a wide range of theories as well as practical measures that underlined the participation of employees and labor in decision-making as a prerequisite for the sustainability of democratic rule. In light of the current attacks on democratic institutions, we believe that now is the time to re-think what role the improvement and expansion of employee participation in industrial and economic decision-making might play in the fight for the future of our democracies.
Today, growing fears of democratic erosion in the political sphere happen to follow on the heels of a general decline of economic democracy over the last decades. For this reason, we want to explore the role that ‘democracy’ has played in the thinking, organizing, and lived experiences of past and present-day individuals and movements pushing for greater control over individual workplaces, whole industries, and entire economies. Instead of concentrating on how workplace democracy has impacted economic performance, productivity, and employee satisfaction–the focus of much previous research–we want to go to the heart of our subject and ask: whether, how, and why democracy at work strengthens and improves democracy in a variety of other social spheres, from families and civic organizations to local communities, the nation state and the international arena? For this purpose, we are proposing a series of panels that go beyond the historical gaze of our working group’s previous activities.

Panel 6: Toward Contemporary Challenges: Neoliberalism, the Climate Crisis & the Future of Democratic Rule

ORGANIZERS

Thomas Adams
thomasadams@southalabama.edu
University of South Alabama
Philipp Urban
philipp.urban@ruhr-uni-bochum.de
Ruhr University Bochum
Aurélie Andry
aurelie.andry@eui.eu
University of Bochum
Démocratie institutionnelle et souveraineté économique en Afrique : pour une redéfinition participative des modèles d’attractivité

Authors:

Imane Zerouali Boukhal
Cadi Ayyad University, Marrakesh
zerouali.boukhal.imane@gmail.com
Alors que les débats sur la démocratie économique s’intensifient dans un contexte de fragilisation des institutions politiques, cette communication interroge le rôle des institutions dans la redéfinition des rapports entre démocratie politique, participation économique et attractivité des investissements directs étrangers (IDE) en Afrique. Elle s’appuie sur une recherche doctorale menée sur 41 pays africains (2006-2021) ayant mis en évidence l’impact différencié des institutions politiques, économiques, juridiques et sociales sur les flux d’IDE. En Afrique, l’enjeu de la démocratie économique ne peut se limiter à une question de gouvernance managériale ou de représentation syndicale. Il touche à la capacité des citoyens à influencer les politiques économiques structurelles, notamment celles liées à l’investissement étranger. La communication montrera comment l’absence de participation démocratique effective dans les sphères économiques a mené à des réformes institutionnelles parfois imposées de l’extérieur, souvent mal comprises localement, et rarement co-construites. Cette dynamique a affaibli la légitimité des institutions et contribué à la perte de souveraineté économique. En s’inscrivant dans les débats sur les "mentalités démocratiques", cette recherche explore également l’impact des formes de gouvernance participative – lorsqu’elles existent – sur l’adhésion citoyenne à la démocratie politique. Elle soulève la question suivante : dans quelle mesure une démocratie économique "par en bas", fondée sur des pratiques institutionnelles locales, pourrait-elle renforcer la résilience démocratique des pays africains ? Cette communication plaide pour une lecture renouvelée de la démocratie économique dans les pays du Sud, en s’appuyant sur des données empiriques et une approche institutionnaliste. Elle invite à reconsidérer les rapports entre démocratie, développement et investissement, au prisme des formes endogènes de participation, souvent ignorées dans les politiques de développement classiques.
Broken Mandates: Neoliberalism, Structural Adjustment, and the Crisis of Industrial Democracy in Nigeria

Authors:

Temitope Fagunwa
Osun State University, Osogbo, Nigeria
whereisfagunwa@yahoo.com
This paper explores the erosion of industrial democracy in Nigeria under the weight of neoliberal restructuring, particularly during the implementation of Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) in the 1980s. The Babangida regime’s aggressive neoliberal turn marked a decisive rupture in the relationship between the Nigerian state and its working population. Through mass retrenchments, the casualization of labour, and the freezing of wages, the state dismantled the economic and institutional foundations that had once supported strong worker representation and participation. Furthermore, the proliferation of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) during this period – often operating in parallel or in competition with organized labour, fragmented the proletarian struggle and displaced labour’s centrality in national democratic discourse. Strikes became increasingly difficult to organize, and trust between labour leaders and rank-and-file workers deteriorated. The weakening of trade unions’ power not only affected workplace democracy but also diminished workers’ broader political agency and ability to shape democratic life. Grounded in Marxist theory, this paper interrogates how the Nigerian Labour Congress (NLC) might reconstitute its mandate in the current neoliberal state. It argues that rebuilding the democratic mentality and solidarity among workers requires a renewed focus on grassroots mobilization and state-level engagements. Ultimately, it posits that the fate of political democracy in Nigeria remains inextricably tied to the fate of industrial and economic democracy – and to the revitalization of organized labour as a democratic force.
Conversion – an ecosocial case for industrial democracy

Authors:

Peter Bartelheimer
Sociological Research Institute Goettingen
p.bartelheimer@t-online.de
In Germany, institutionalised elements of industrial democracy are significantly more influential than in other advanced capitalist economies. Nevertheless, as the conflict between capital and labour acquires a new, ecological dimension, dual representation of workers by unions and factory councils fails to sufficiently include workers in deci- sions on economic restructuring to render production sustainable and to mitigate the climate crisis. As long as workers perceive transformation as imposed from above without considera- tion for their interests, their apprehensions can foster alliances with management for delaying climate mitigation. Workers with effective agency at the workplace are more ready to act on ecological issues and less likely to fall for right-wing populism. There- fore, faced both with industry-wide “jobs-vs.-environment” dilemmas (Räthzel(Uzzell 2011) and “carbon lock ins” (Seto et al. 2016) on the side of management and the state, activists in the workers’ and the climate movement have taken a renewed inter- est in concepts of democratic public ownership and industrial conversion that have challenged the lack of democratic control over investment decisions and the production process in the past. Ecosocial conversion, defined as a policy-driven repurposing of industrial resources in alignment with earth system boundaries, requires credible concepts of economic de- mocracy. Businesses and sectors may be inherently unsustainable. Ecosocial restruc- turing at the firm level cannot secure all jobs in internal labour markets, and its imple- mentation calls for systemic changes in the wider economy, in markets and consump- tion. Therefore, enhanced industrial democracy at the workplace needs to be comple- mented with democratic deliberation of industrial policy at the regional and state level. As individual workforces are attached to their jobs and to their products, tensions be- tween their interests and those of consumers, communities and social movements need to be mediated democratically (Wiethold 2025) at the regional, sectoral and na- tional level. Besides new strategies of co-determination and collective bargaining, strategies of ecosocial conversion must reassess the long history of debate on demo- cratic economic planning (Sorg/Groos 2025).
Organized Labor, Organized Citizens? A Systematic Review of Trade Unions’ Democratic Spillover Effects

Authors:

Noah Vangeel
KU Leuven
noah.vangeel@kuleuven.be
Objective. Over the past decade, antidemocratic voices have gained prominence and influence in Europe. Core democratic institutions, including the rule of law, workplace democracy, and democracy itself, have faced increasing challenges as political actors question its foundational principles. An extensive literature has examined the political and civic consequences of workplace trade unionism for individuals, mostly focussing on voting behaviour, but to our knowledge, no systematic review of this literature has been done before. Methods & Results Expected. This study will conduct an interdisciplinary systematic literature review of research published over the past 50 years. The review aims to trace the evolving relationship between trade unionism and political participation across different socio- economic contexts: from the relatively stable industrial relations of the 1970s and 1980s to the more dynamic and fragmented landscape since the 2000s. Participation in workplace decision- making is conceptualised as both trade union membership and being a shop steward. The political and civic consequences are assessed in terms of participation, attitudes, trust, and values. Based on Pateman’s 1970, and Verba and colleagues’ 2002 theoretical contributions, we hypothesize that participation in workplace decision-making enhances political skills and self- efficacy, which in turn enhance civic and political engagement beyond the workplace. The review will also synthesize the main theoretical explanations for this relationship and proposes refinements where necessary. Finally, it outlines a future research agenda to address any gaps identified. Conclusion and Implications. Should the review confirm a spillover effect from workplace trade unionism to broader democratic engagement, trade unions may be understood as vital institutions in the defence of democracy. They then function as schools for democracy, giving their members experience in democratic governance in small-scale democracies: their workplace. The review would thus be a call on policymakers to defend voice at work and deliver insights for trade unions how exactly they foster democratic engagement.

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 222

9. Maritime Labour History

(II) Navigating Risk: Remuneration, Institutions, and Career Trajectories in Maritime Labour History

Chair: Page Campos, Eduard

eduardpage@ub.edu

Universitat de Barcelona

This session examines maritime labour through the unifying concept of risk, understood as a fundamental dimension that has shaped the lives of sailors and coastal workers over the centuries. Exposure to danger defined maritime occupations and encouraged the existence of constant mobilities that structured both individual professional careers and labouring communities. The ways in which these risks were managed, negotiated, and institutionalized lie at the core of the session, which brings together case studies on ordinary sailors, fishermen, shipbuilders, whalers, and pilots.

The session explores different individual trajectories, collective pathways, and long-term structural transformations, both in Atlantic and Mediterranean Europe. Maritime labour unfolded at the intersection between precariousness and opportunity: careers were deeply conditioned by exposure to risk and the search for protection, but also by the possibilities of advancement, specialization, and recognition within changing hierarchies of maritime service. The session also emphasizes concrete labour processes and the organizational forms that structured them. Systems of remuneration, contractual arrangements, and professional training functioned not only as economic or technical devices, but also as mechanisms to distribute risk, manage uncertainty, and structure social relations. The transformation of these processes—whether through changes in fishing techniques, the shift from sail to steam, or the advent of containerization—reveals how maritime work was repeatedly reconfigured.

Adopting a long-term perspective makes it possible to observe both continuities and ruptures. Issues such as labour precariousness, juridical particularities, or relationships with different national navies appear as persistent features of maritime work. At the same time, profound changes in organization and technology transformed labour conditions, professional identities, and collective solidarities, while also reshaping the very language used to describe and regulate maritime activities. The session invites reflection on how human communities have sought to manage the intrinsic uncertainty of the maritime world.

ORGANIZERS

Page Campos, Eduard
eduardpage@ub.edu
Universitat de Barcelona
Loockx, Kristof
kristof.loockx@uantwerpen.be
Centre for Urban History, University of Antwerp
Vasilaki, Kalliopi
kk.vasilaki@gmail.com
Università degli studi di Genova
What happened when the seafarers stopped sailing?: Insights from Bergen, Norway, 1970—2000

Authors:

Tenold, Stig
Norwegian School of Economics
Stig.Tenold@nhh.no
This paper looks at the transformation of “seafaring life” in Bergen, Norway, from 1970 to 2000, and is based on a combination of empirical data, autobiographical narratives, historical literature and interviews. The background to the paper is the “flagging out” of Norwegian shipping, when Norwegian seafarers were replaced by low-wage foreigners. In 1970 Bergen was the leading seafaring city in Norway, with some 5000 sailors making up around six per cent of the city’s labour force. At that time, national regulations meant that jobs on Norwegian ships were practically “reserved” for Norwegian seafarers. Around a quarter of all Norwegian men had experience from the merchant marine, and still more than one in ten from every cohort of teenage boys went to sea. By the year 2000 the number of Bergen seafarers on ocean-going cargo ships had been reduced by more than ninety per cent. What happened when the seafaring jobs disappeared? After a brief introduction to Bergen shipping, the analysis follows a two-part structure, looking at two different aspects of seafaring life. The first part of the analysis deals with the seafarers themselves. We analyze the experiences of those who stopped sailing, as well as those who remained at sea. In addition to empirical data on employment on Norwegian ships, the paper addresses recruitment patterns, shifts in onboard communication and hierarchy and the challenges of multicultural crews. The main conclusion here might be surprising: special circumstances (the nature of maritime employment and the growing offshore oil sector) implied that the loss of seafaring jobs did not have adverse effects on seafarers in general (though job losses were of course problematic for some people at the individual level). The second part of the paper discusses an often-overlooked dimension of seafaring life: the experiences of those who stayed ashore, viz. the seafarers’ wives and families. We discuss how their domestic life was initially shaped by the rhythms of maritime absence and return, and how the institutions built up to support seafarers’ wives changed as employment at sea was reduced. The overall argument in the paper is that the disappearance of jobs for Norwegian seafarers had relatively limited consequences at the macro level. For instance, there was no mass unemployment among seafarers, and Norwegian ships could continue sailing, albeit with foreign crews. At the same time, the transformation had large social consequences, both on ships and on land.
Between socioeconomic precariousness and service to the king: ships’ carpenters and caulkers of the Catalan coast in the 17th century

Authors:

Chamorro, Alfredo
Universitat de Barcelona
a.chamorro@ub.edu
At the beginning of the 17th century, the socioeconomic situation of shipbuilding workers in Catalonia was difficult. The obligation of ships’ carpenters and caulkers to serve the king in the construction of galleys in the shipyards of Barcelona, with low wages, often prevented them from building ships for private individuals, which would have brought them greater economic profits. The poverty in which these artisans and their families lived generated a shortage of professionals during the first half of the 17th century, a time when the monarchy urgently needed them to prepare their fleets of galleys. The continued service in the shipyards led many of these professionals to settle permanently in Barcelona with their families, and they joined the corresponding guild of their trade: meanwhile other family members continued to reside in their places of origin along of the Catalan coast, dedicating themselves to building ships for private clients. This paper analyzes the evolution of shipbuiding trades in Catalonia, from the perspective of family mobility and its socioeconomic evolution, taking into account the need that the Hispanic monarchy had for them in its naval strategy in the Mediterranean.
The Crew Agreement in the Spanish Merchant Marine: Legal Security in a Risky Environment

Authors:

Garcia Domingo, Enric
Universitat de Barcelona
delavelaalvapor@gmail.com
The hiring of crews had, since the thirteenth century, surprisingly modern characters, and in many aspects advanced the development of Labor Law in other areas. This article summarizes the fundamental aspects of the crew agreement in the Spanish merchant marine, from the medieval period to the Crew Contracting Regulation, of 26 March 1925. The historical study of the forms of hiring in the merchant marine allows us to attend to a surprising continuity of conflicts and solutions in the long term. The key instrument is the so-called crew agreement, defined as the one between the shipowner or his representative (usually the shipmaster) on the one hand, and the members of the crew on the other, in order to regulate the professional provision of services on board a ship. The agreement is a legally binding contract. Cast from old customs and an extensive legislative production, it created an early legal framework of apparent security and certainty, almost unknown in other economic activities. Due to its strategic value, the shipping industry was subject, at least since the 13th century, to a regulation that endowed it with certain absolutely "modern" characters. The Spanish case allows us to draw a general framework of labor relations in a hardly investigated sector. Is this a very special case of legal certainty in a risky environment, a legal framework that supported a strategic sector that exceeded the limits of a purely economic activity. This paper revisits the process that led to the contemporary forms of hiring. The regulation of labor relations in the Spanish commercial in medieval and early modern times showed some aspects of the present employment contract, but a context in which the adaptations of the Roman locatio still dominated on land. In a world regulated by corporations, guilds, and diverse forms of serfdom, labour in the commercial marine was developed since the thirteenth century as a partly-waged activity, regulated and subjected to some control from the public authorities. Crew agreements have had, since ancient times, a formalization and protection for the parties to a contract that has no comparison in other fields. This article raises two parallel and synchronous hypotheses, also applicable to most European maritime societies, since they deal with a globalized economic sector avant la lettre. The first explanation has to do with the strategic role of this sector, in economics but also military terms. A second explanation comes from the development of the capitalist production system in maritime activities, and the early salarization process. 
Crew remuneration in the Carrera de Indias through the ‘monto de naos’ system (16th–17th centuries)

Authors:

García Garralón, Marta
Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia
mggarralon@geo.uned.es
The crews of the Hispanic routes of the Carrera de Indias received the wages of their Atlantic voyages through the “monto de naos” system, a method of profit-sharing that originated in late medieval maritime forms of remuneration. The “monto de naos” system remained in use during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries for the Atlantic routes of the Carrera, despite the profound transformations undergone by modern commercial maritime traffic between Spain and the American territories. This system of remuneration is noteworthy for combining fixed payments, allocated according to the seafaring trade or post performed on board, with a series of incentives that encouraged labor productivity, as well as with the distribution of profits and extraordinary gains arising from the voyage. The “monto de naos” constitutes a maritime institution which, beyond its specific nature and practical application, embodies a cultural form of protection and guarantee of wage collection among members of maritime communities.
Salaries and expenses in medieval and early modern fisheries: seine, boat and coral fishing. The cases of Catalonia and Mallorca (15th-16th centuries)

Authors:

Ginot i Julià, Antoni
King’s College London
antoni.ginot_julia@kcl.ac.uk
The natural richness of the sea has long been profited by a vast number of people in the Mediterranean coast through the centuries. Fishing has thus been a main activity in several coastal communities, and time has brought more complexity to the configuration of this economic activity. The end of the Middle Ages and the beginning of the so-called Modern Age marked a milestone in north-western mediterranean fisheries with the arrival of new nets and the orientation to marked-focused fisheries such as bluefish and coral. In this paper, through the analysis of different data such as feudal exaction records, trials and coral companies’ contracts, the regular income of fishers will be calculated. The aim is to understand the level of wealth of a group long considered miserable. With the inclusion of coral fishing, the analysis will benefit from the data of a supplementary income coming from a highly valued product, implying long distance campaigns and trade. The data obtained through all these sources will be compared to several indicators of wealth, specially the price of fishing tackle and the value of dowries, to conform a detailed picture of the economic capabilities of the fishing labourer.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 209

20. Guild and artisan labor

At the Bottom of the Pyramid: Guild Apprenticeship

Chair: Grassi, Mario

mariograssi992@gmail.com

U. Padua

Discussants:

Wallis, Patrick
P.H.Wallis@lse.ac.uk
London School of Economics

This session looks at the institution of apprenticeship inside and outside of the guild system across Europe. Apprenticeship was nearly universal across Europe for centuries (with important continuities thereafter), and is often thought of as the first step in the guild-based labor-life trajectory. Apprenticeship represented an important moment in that expected pathway. In doing so, participants examine the barriers to entry (the inclusion or exclusion of women, outsiders, non-sons, etc.) from normative and non-normative sources, largely from guild and government archives.

ORGANIZERS

von Briesen, Brendan
brendan.vonbriesen@ub.edu
U. Barcelona
Apprenticeship and Labour Market in the Silk Weavers' Guild of Valencia, 1570-1856

Authors:

González Fons, Paula
European University Institute of Florence
Paula.GONZALEZFONS@eui.eu
Scholars have discussed the guilds’ apprenticeship system and its role in early modern societies for decades. In recent years, these studies have overcome dichotomic analyses to present a more nuanced picture of it by emphasizing the contexts in which guilds were embedded. This change in historiography has presented apprentices as heterogeneous figures and highlighted the role of guilds as mechanisms for skill and knowledge acquisition and organizing urban labour. This communication contributes to this new wave of studies by tackling the case of the silk weavers (art de velluters) apprenticeship in the city of Valencia in the early modern period. This study will use the Llibre d’Afermaments or apprenticeship contract books between 1570 and 1856 as its primary source, which are housed in the guild’s archive. This chronology allows for a long-term study of the apprenticeship that will shed light on the labour market for apprentices in Valencia, the barriers to enrolments to specific social groups such as foreigners or youngsters without a background in the craft, as well as privileges that some other apprentices, such as those from the city of Valencia or sons of masters, received, if any. All in all, this study will allow us to obtain a more comprehensive picture of the nature of apprenticeship, whether it is a source of cheap labour or a means for the transmission of craft, as well as its fluctuations over time and the guild’s strategies to adapt to changing economic, social and political contexts throughout the early modern period.
Artisans, apprenticeship and women’s work between the craft guild production and the mountainous textile production in wider Ottoman Thessaly

Authors:

Charamopoulos, Leonidas
National and Kapodistrian University of Athens
charamop@arch.uoa.gr
The presentation will examine the organisation of apprenticeship and labour in the economic and social environment of the wider region of Ottoman Thessaly during the 18th and early 19th centuries. The environment is comprised of two distinct components: the guilds of the cities spread across the Thessalian plain, and the mountainous centres of wool and cotton production, which emerged within the mountain ranges surrounding the plain to the east and west. The productive space and the institutions that frame production differ between cities and mountains. In urban areas, production and artisan labour is organised within the framework of guilds, whereas in mountainous regions, it is subject to the greater or lesser control of merchants who are members of the local community elites. The primary issues addressed encompass the divergent approaches to the management and interpretation of work and apprenticeship between guilds and mountain craft centres, the participation of women in the labour market, and the gender division of labour in mountain craft production. The final issue to be addressed is the role of the aforementioned factors in the shaping of new social hierarchies during the period under study.
Who were the craft-mistresses in early modern Venice?

Authors:

Bellavitis, Anna
Université de Rouen Normandie
anna.bellavitis@univ-rouen.fr
Venetian apprenticeship contracts of the early modern period offer an unexpected image of who could be considered as a craft mistress. They were registered by the Old Justice (Giustizia Vecchia), a court that was responsible for the control of the guilds, but it is not clear if the women who stipulated them had the right to be ‘masters’ in the guilds. Guilds statutes rarely help us, as they are often silent on the place and rights accorded to women. Is silence an answer? Can we consider that the absence of any prohibition, of any explicit exclusion meant that, silently, women could be masters as much as men? A 17th century rule of the silk weavers guild limited the presence of women stipulating that there was no law on the subject. Or could we consider, in quite a provocative way, that being registered as the ‘masters’ of an apprentice automatically gave to those women a status of craft mistress? The database Garzoni (https://garzoni.org ) offers an exclusive insight on this topic. In the paper I will analyze a sample of 594 apprenticeship contracts stipulated by crafts women from 1575 to 1742, and of 777 contracts in which the apprentice is a girl. The comparison with the guilds regulations, when available, will help us to understand if women had the right to be ‘masters’.
The Role of Women in Guilds

Authors:

Hafter, Daryl M.
Eastern Michigan University (Emeritus)
dhafter@emich.edu
Guilds composed of women and guilds with mixed-sex composition existed from Middle Ages until their abolition. A prime example is Rouen’s array of female masters in eight textile industry guilds including lingères en neuf, lingères en vieux, bonnetières, fillassiers, rubanières-dentières-frangières-dorlotières, and faiseurs des plumes-chassubliers. Of the city’s 112 guilds, female masters accounted for ten percent of full-fledged masters. Even in Lyon’s notoriously male-privileged silk industry, the Grande Fabrique, had an all-female guild of passementières which flourished late into the eighteenth-century when the rest of silk makers endured slow-down and unemployment. Guild women were legally marchandes publiques, treated as honorary males. These women’s and mix-sex groups functioned as traditional guilds, with masters, journeyworkers, apprentices, and gardes. Their legal status was exactly that of all-male guilds: they sued and were sued, were taxed as a group, enjoyed monopolies in manufacturing and commerce. There was no cultural difference in the technical capability of men and women. Trades were designated by law, the object of fierce court battles. But women workers were distinguished by their sex. Most guilds prohibited female masters, but their widows managed workshops, holding places for sons. (Rouen’s widows constituted a third of guild membership and some 80% of revenue.) A few masters’ daughters got special rights. Without such privileges, bound female labor helped guilds to expand and diversity. Of note are the button makers who created an entire manufactury of untitled ouvrières and the hundreds of auxiliary silk workers in Lyon. Whether as valid guild members or as untitled laborers, women were integral to the function of French guilds. Any consideration of guild history without them tells only half the story.
Access to the Trades in Castile and Aragon During the Early Modern Age

Authors:

Nieto Sánchez, José Antolín
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
jose.nieto@uam.es
The prevailing view since the 18th century regarding the reproduction of European craft trades emphasizes the exclusivity of guilds, supported by high rates of endogamy and the local origins of their members. This article examines two sources that shed light on how access to the craft trades was achieved in Castile and Aragon. Using a large sample of examination certificates and indeture contracts, we aim to demonstrate whether the Iberian Peninsula trades reinforce this idea or, on the contrary, were more likely to incorporate children of people unrelated to the profession in question, as well as migrants. In short, the study aims to measure the opening or closing of trades in both areas in order to compare what happened in the Iberian Peninsula with the rest of Europe.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 206

10. Military Labour

Book launch and discussion: Military Labour History from the Early Modern Period to the Twentieth Century – Imagery and Visuality

Chair: Jeongmin Kim

Jeongmin.Kim@umanitoba.ca

University of Manitoba

For the last few years, the Military Labour History Working Group has collaborated on a project that focusses on the ways visual sources, like photographs, film, and visual art, along with new ways of visualising textual materials, can create new knowledge about military labour and contribute towards current debates in the discipline. The edited book, with nine thematic chapters, will be published by Palgrave Macmillan in 2026 as Military Labour History from the Early Modern Period to the Twentieth Century – Imagery and Visuality. The themes include courtly paintings in the Mughal empire, visual representations of forced labour in the early modern Mediterranean, British photographs of civilian labourers in Greek Macedonian in World War I, recruitment posters aimed at married men in the World War 1 British World, the visual war labour of female flight attendants in the Vietnam War, images of domestic and military masculinities in the Allied Occupation of Japan, the de-visualisation power of euphemisms in narratives of the Vietnam War, and documentary films about the Korean War and the Iran-Iraq War.

This session will introduce the book to conference participants, edited and presented by the co-ordinators and members of the Working Group, and offer the opportunity for discussion of its key themes.

ORGANIZERS

Jeongmin Kim
Jeongmin.Kim@umanitoba.ca
University of Manitoba
Olli Siitonen
olli.siitonen@helsinki.fi
University of Helsinki

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 209

20. Guild and artisan labor

Clash and Renewal: Work in the Age of Guild Conflicts

Chair: von Briesen, Brendan J.

brendan.vonBriesen@ub.edu

U. Barcelona

Discussants:

Antolín, José
jose.nieto@uam.es
U. Autónoma de Madrid

This session examines conflicts and resolution in the guild world. These conflicts could take the form of struggles between guilds, or within guilds; they could also occur with other institutions. They could be carried out in the courts and halls of government, or the workshops, or even in the streets. Sometimes, conflicts arose out of different interpretations; in other cases, the conflict was more directly tied to work- or class- based interests. In some cases, the parties were guild corporations, in others, they were small groups or individuals. In this analysis, the authors present a variety of cases, describing and analyzing the conflicts that arose in the guild system, and explore some of the resolutions to these conflicts over time.

ORGANIZERS

von Briesen, Brendan J.
brendan.vonbriesen@ub.edu
U. Barcelona
Grassi, Mario
mariograssi992@gmail.com
U. Padua
Female Work and Guilds in 18th-Century Naples

Authors:

D’Anna, Sara
U. Pompeu Fabra
sara.danna22@outlook.com
This study investigates the role of women in the silk and wool guilds of 18th-century Naples, sectors that were central to the urban economy and among the most important at the peninsular level. While historiography began to address the relationship between women and guilds in the 1990s, focusing on manufacturing centers in northern Italy, the southern landscape—and Naples in particular—remains marginal even today. Despite the formal exclusion of women from these guilds, the analysis of sources—particularly judicial ones—makes it possible to reconstruct “external” work and spaces of female activity that were much broader and more complex, and sometimes even illegal, than the statutes suggest, which prove insufficient. In fact, the civil and criminal proceedings conducted in the guilds’ internal courts, though intended to regulate registered members, reveal the active participation of female workers, masters, and merchants in production, economic management, the transmission of artisanal knowledge, and professional training processes. These documents offer an alternative socio-economic perspective compared to guild regulations, bringing to light hidden and customary dynamics that reveal a complex system of informal involvement by external actors such as women. The research thus aims to highlight a reality that was seemingly invisible and kept in the shadows, and to contribute to overcoming the dichotomy between formal inclusion and de facto exclusion.
Beyond the Nueva Planta: Craft Guilds and Popular Protest in Eighteenth-Century Catalonia

Authors:

Figueras i Gilbert, Jan
U. Barcelona
janfiguerasgibert@gmail.com
The role of craft guilds in organizing popular protests has been widely examined in European historiography. In the Principality of Catalonia, guilds had risen alongside popular masses since the Middle Ages, and their representative role within urban communities was well recognized by traditional Catalan institutions. After the conquest of Catalonia during the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1713/15) and the suppression of the Principality’s institutions through the Nueva Planta decrees (1716/1718), guilds were, at least in theory, subjected to stricter control by the new Bourbon dynasty. Given their involvement in the defence of Barcelona and Catalonia, authority over them was centralized in new absolutist institutions with the aim of reducing their social influence. Nevertheless, only a few years after the war, guilds across Catalonia—except in the more tightly controlled Barcelona—began to mobilize dissent against corruption and abuses of power under the new regime. This wave of protests extended into the 1760s. This contribution examines the precedents, causes, and long-term consequences of this process, drawing on both official Bourbon sources and preserved guild accounts. By analysing numerous local cases, the paper seeks to define the characteristics of this protest phenomenon and, in turn, to offer a clearer understanding of the relationship between the Bourbon regime and Catalan guilds, as well as the corporative limits faced by the new dynasty in its attempt to consolidate absolutist rule in the Principality.
From conflict to conflict. The Guild of Bakers (Arte Bianca) in 18th century Rome

Authors:

Ceccarelli, Alessia
Sapienza University of Rome
alessia.ceccarelli@uniroma1.it
This paper summarises my research on the guild of Roman bakers (Arte Bianca). It is based on the rich documentation preserved in the Archivio di Stato di Roma and focuses on the numerous conflicts that marked the history of this guild during the 18th century. With regard to the conflicts that arose inside the guild, one of the major reasons for friction was the failure to respect the distance parameters between the bakeries (approximately 120 linear metres, according to the last revision of the guild’s Statute, dating back to 1749). It was always the owner of the oldest bakery within that specific portion of the urban area who reported the “abuse” (the opening of a new bakery too close to his own), sending his complaint to the Università dell’Arte. Another recurring accusation in the conflicts within the guild concerned the adulteration of flour: some bakers denounced the use of flour mixed with sawdust. The greatest competitors of the Roman bakers were those vermicellai – fresh pasta sellers – who also obtained entry into the guild of the Arte Bianca and were often of Neapolitan origin. Even some ancient Roman bakers; families were not of Roman origin, but German. Many of these conflicts dragged on for several decades and the protagonists were also the women members of the guild, some of whom were themselves the owners of a bakery because they were the heirs or widowers of the previous owner.
“Guild Conservatism or Flexibility? The Valencian Carpenters’ Corporation in the Late Pre-Industrial Era” [Provisional]

Authors:

Ros Venancio, Gerard
University of Valencia
gerardrosvenancio@gmail.com
Based on certain documents preserved in the carpenters’ guild archive, it is possible to trace the reactions of a corporation which, by the nature of its industry, could be regarded as conservative and inclined to defend the privileged prerogatives provided by its institutional framework, when faced with an adverse political context and a Valencian economy in a period of decline. Did the members of the carpenters’ guild, at the end of the pre-industrial period, still consider the corporation to be an arbitrary yet useful and necessary body for addressing such crucial socioeconomic aspects as the regulation of labor, the regulation of inequality among artisans, the provision of assistance to the most needy, and the enforcement of existing regulations? Could the carpenters’ guild be classified within the model of a flexible corporation that adapted without major difficulties to the New Times? What effects did the liberalizing process have on the members of the carpenters’ guild?
The Emergence of New Guilds in the Towns of the Principality of Transylvania in the Early Modern Period

Authors:

Derzsi, Julia
Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities Sibiu
jderzsi@icsusib.ro
The establishment of the Principality of Transylvania occurred within a transformed political and economic historical context, resulting from Ottoman expansion. Access to raw materials and market opportunities for urban guilds, which were well-fortified with privileges, became restricted due to the influx of Balkanic, Greek, Armenian and Wallachian goods and artisans into the country. The most important elements of the economy – monetary affairs, mining and trade – were in the hands of the prince and formed part of the country’s assets, the security of which was guaranteed by successive economic protectionist policies. Princely intervention created special market conditions in which certain manufacturing sectors temporarily gained advantageous positions or monopolies according to the treasury’s momentary interests. Meanwhile, the newly formed guilds had also respected the professional production standards of the old regulations, seeking access to the same raw material and market interests as the long-standing economic actors protected by the towns. All mentioned above resulted in inevitable disputes, delaying, among other things, the formation of new branches of artisanship, whose representatives wanted to break away from the significant old guilds and adapt their production to new market niches. In our paper, we aim to analyse the dynamics of the economic expansion of guilds emerging in Transylvanian towns in the early modern period by following the long-term structural changes of several significant urban guilds (such as tanners, shoemakers and bootmakers; beltmakers and saddlers; blacksmiths, wheelwrights and locksmiths; carpenters, cart makers and painters), in the light of archival documents related to lawsuits, that often spanned the entire period. We attempt to illustrate the legal, political or market conditions under which individual manufacturing sectors broke away from the old guilds and formed independent guilds. On the other hand, to elaborate the strategies which enabled the new guilds to circumvent the resistance of the old guilds supported by the town councils. We also aim to explore the impact of occasional princely intervention on the expansion of new manufacturing sectors and the development of industrial activities in villages and smaller settlements.

15:00–16:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: 203

1. Workers, Labour and Labour History in Modern Central-East Europe

Workers’ education: pedagogies, cultures, organizations

Chair: Jansson, Jenny

jenny.jansson@statsvet.uu.se

Uppsala University

Workers’ education has always served multiple purposes. It aimed to compensate for the limited formal schooling available to many workers, acting as both a bridge to higher education and a pathway to upward social mobility. At the same time, workers’ education was not only about knowledge transfer but also about the development of pedagogical approaches suited to collective learning and empowerment. Study circles, folk high schools, lectures, and correspondence courses became distinctive forms of pedagogy, built on principles of participation, solidarity, and democratic dialogue. These methods fostered an educational culture that valued the everyday experiences of workers as legitimate sources of knowledge.
Workers’ education also functioned as a sphere of cultural empowerment. It provided spaces where workers could cultivate their own traditions, narratives, and artistic expressions, and strengthen class identity while offering alternatives to bourgeois cultural norms. This cultural dimension was closely tied to the organisational role of workers’ education: it laid the foundation for political education, equipping members with skills to manage unions, represent labour parties in parliaments, and engage meaningfully in ideological debates. Thus, education was inseparable from the organisational development of the labour movement itself, ensuring that cultural and pedagogical practices directly supported political mobilisation.
Given these diverse aims, the educational field within the labour movement was often a site of conflict. Different branches of the movement struggled for influence over pedagogical models and control of educational institutions. Bourgeois forces sought to curtail or co-opt these initiatives, and funding remained a constant challenge. These tensions highlight how pedagogy, culture, and organisation were deeply entangled. Workers’ education was never only about individual learning, but about collective capacity-building, cultural self-assertion, and organisational strength.
In this session, we aim to explore educational practices, teaching methods, and the cultural and political significance of workers’ education. Contributions will examine how pedagogical innovations, cultural expressions, and organisational strategies shaped workers’ education in different national contexts.

ORGANIZERS

Jansson, Jenny
jenny.jansson@statsvet.uu.se
Uppsala University
Söderqvist, Jonas
jonas.soderqvist@arbark.se
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library
Hakoniemi, Elina
elina.hakoniemi@helsinki.fi
Demos Helsinki/University of Helsinki
Raymond Williams and the Politics of Workers’ Education, 1946–1951

Authors:

Efstathiou, Christos
University of Birmingham
csefstathiou@gmail.com
This paper examines the postwar crisis of workers’ education in Britain through the early teaching work of Raymond Williams, who served as a Workers’ Educational Association (WEA) tutor-organiser in Sussex from 1946 to 1951. Later known as a founding figure in British cultural studies, Williams’s formative experience in adult education profoundly shaped his political and intellectual development. In the immediate postwar years, the WEA benefited from new state support, but many on the Labour Left—including Williams—saw this as the beginning of a retreat from its radical and working-class roots. Williams became increasingly disillusioned with what he viewed as the depoliticisation and elitism of the WEA’s national leadership. In contrast, his own approach to teaching in rural and industrial communities emphasised local experience, cultural relevance, and class consciousness. This paper draws on archival material from the Raymond Williams Papers (Swansea University) and WEA records to explore how Williams’s teaching clashed with the WEA’s centralised structure and liberal-humanist curriculum. His frustrations with top-down control, narrow subject boundaries, and the marginalisation of working-class perspectives reflected broader conflicts within the labour movement over education’s purpose and direction. Williams’s resignation from the WEA marked a turning point. His later works—Culture and Society, The Long Revolution, and Border Country—emerged directly from these educational struggles. They argued for a more democratic, culturally grounded model of learning—an alternative to both elite liberalism and bureaucratised state education. By focusing on this critical moment, the paper contributes to understanding how internal tensions within the WEA shaped new left intellectual currents and signalled a broader shift in the politics of workers’ education in postwar Britain.
“I am Spartacus”: The Ancient World in American Working Class and Popular Culture and the legacy of Cyrenus Osborne Ward

Authors:

Hyslop, Jonathan
Colgate University
jhyslop@colgate.edu
The image of the heroic rebel gladiator, Spartacus, was a perennial feature of international left culture from the late nineteenth century onward, manifesting itself in forms ranging from the name of the Spartakusbund to the numerous East European ‘Spartak’ football clubs. But whereas in Europe, the Spartacus myth seems to have been primarily launched by Rafaello Giovagnoli’s 1874 novel Spartaco, in America it had a very different trajectory, which is the subject of this paper. In 1889, in Washington DC, a largely self-educated political activist and civil servant, C. Osborne Ward, self-published the first volume of his work The Ancient Lowly. Ward, a talented linguist, had traveled widely in Europe in the 1870s, and had been active in Marx’s International Workingmen’s Association, both abroad and in New York. His book made the bold claim that the societies of Ancient Greece and Rome were riddled with forms of labour organization, and focused especially on a number of ancient slave revolts, the most dramatic being that of Spartacus. Ancient Lowly initially evoked a certain interest in both scholarly and popular readerships. But it really took off when in 1907, the US’s most important socialist publisher, Charles H. Kerr, added an edition of the book to his titles. In subsequent decades, the work had a wide circulation in American working-class educational groups. Its success was based on a considerable interest in antiquity amongst proletarian readers, reflected in the study of classical texts in worker education, the huge attendance at the newly created museum exhibits of archaeological finds, and the popularity of fiction set in the ancient world, notably the Christian historical novels of Lew Wallace and others and the proto-socialist tales of the French radical republican Eugène Sue, translated and published by the sectarian socialist leader, Daniel De Leon. Building on the work of Edith Hall and Henry Stead for the UK, the paper argues that Ancient History and the Classics in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century America were not the sole preserve of the upper classes, but were areas of much popular engagement. The Ancient World became an important lens through which socialist and labor activists read the present. The paper shows how the Kerr press and its International Socialist Review were vehicles for the dissemination of Ward’s book and other literature on the Antiquity. It then goes on to look at how Ward’s work was to have another life in the popular culture of the mid-20th Century. It was through reading Ward’s book that, in the late 1940s, the blacklisted American Communist writer Howard Fast became interested in the Spartacus story. In 1951, Fast produced his novel Spartacus, which was unexpectedly successful. This work became the basis for Stanley Kubrick’s 1960 epic movie of the same name. In Cold War America, both the production and the release of the film was beset by ideological conflicts, which the paper explores. The paper shows how the film revivified the Spartacus myth, giving it an American career which has continued to this day, among other things in the prevalence of “I am Spartacus” memes in social media. As in the earlier period, Antiquity has become a renewed area of ideological contestation in popular culture, with current battles between proponents of an egalitarian reading of history and a group of extreme right social media ‘warriors’ who appropriate the subject for their own ends.
The Pioneers Proletarian Pedagogy

Authors:

Heijbel, Hedvig Holsti
N/A
heijbel.hedvig@gmail.com
This paper will explore how the Swedish pioneer organization, Arbetarbarnens förbund, between 1924 and 1934 tried to raise a generation through a pedagogy which they believed to achieve the Communist Utopia. It will discuss what formed the pedagogy, how the leaders were meant to teach the pioneers about society through activities that would engage the children and what reactions it got from the public. This will be investigated by exploring the proletarian pedagogy from three categories; Creativity, Immersion and Self-Cultivation. To contextualize the subject the session will begin with an overview of the pioneer movement and its early history. The main part will focus on the Pioneers pedagogy from the perspective of three categories mentioned above. Shortly: Creativity captures how the pioneers used letterwriting to create an international community; Immersion focuses on what role games and theater played in the communist upbringing; Self-Cultivation captures how activism in school was supposed to criticize and change the school system and ultimately societal structures. The young adults in charge and how the pedagogy was practised within the movement will also be discussed. For example, self-sufficiency was a valued trait and by playing strike, the children's self-sufficiency was assumed to increase. This meant that they thought that the children later in life would have an inner discipline and therefore an ability to work to change society.
Workers’ education in the US

Authors:

Chen, Michelle
Cornell University's School of Industrial and Labor Relations
meeshellchen@gmail.com
The American working class has historically been a prominent target of political organizing, but its intellectual development and aspirations has also been a central concern of social movements seeking to represent and empower workers and their communities since the beginning of the industrial era. This research project charts the origins, development and political evolution of labor education and worker schools in the United States, with an emphasis on union and socialist-led worker education programs in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. My archival research so far as centered on materials at Cornell University's Kheel Center for Labor-Management Documentation & Archives, primarily collections related to trade unions, progressive and leftist organizations, and labor-related programs in higher education. This project will illuminate the history of grassroots and alternative educational movements that aimed to empower workers with a deeper understanding of social and economic structures as well as cultural enrichment through liberal as well as practical education modalities. In the coming months, I plan to expand this research to parallel workers' education initiatives led by European trade unions and socialist groups, comparing their pedagogical approaches and ideological orientations. As a form of reproductive labor, education for the working class has historically conceptualized and articulated the political economy of labor from below: how to understand structural inequalities, the application of Marxist theories to different forms of industrial development, the interaction between imperialism and industrial capitalism, the problem of deskilling and automation in industrial work. But more importantly, labor education—from a variety of sources and pedagogical and political approaches—shaped the culture of organizing within labor in ways that have not been comprehensively elucidated in extant labor historiography.
Anticipating change: Future imaginaries of the working life in the Finnish workers’ education 1950s-1970s

Authors:

Hakoniemi, Elina
Demos Helsinki/University of Helsinki
elina.hakoniemi@helsinki.fi
Workers’ education in Finland has historically emphasised cultural formation and civic engagement, while also incorporating elements of professional training and working-life skills. The proposed paper delves into these three dimensions of workers’ education as it analyses how the past futures of work were imagined and conceptualised within the Finnish Workers’ Educational Association (Työväen Sivistysliitto) between the 1950s and 1970s—from debates on automation and new technologies in the 1950s to concerns about the end of sustained economic growth in the 1970s. These decades were marked by profound structural changes in working life, political efforts to raise educational levels, and transitions within traditional labour occupations. The paper highlights how workers’ education engaged with both the promises and anxieties of change: what was expected to alter, what was defended as worth preserving, and what futures were envisioned for different groups of workers, as reflected in key educational materials and debates. The study argues that workers’ education not only sought to improve skills and expand educational attainment but also to articulate responses to social dislocation and the erosion of labour identities. In doing so, it functioned both as a strategy for adaptation and as a site of contestation over the direction of Finnish working life.

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 203

1. Workers, Labour and Labour History in Modern Central-East Europe

(III) Working-class anthropology in Central and Eastern Europe from the end of the Second World War till today

Chair: Tibor Valuch

valuch63@gmail.com

Eszterházy Károly Catholic University

Discussants:

Sándor Horváth
sandor.horvath@gmil.com
Institute of History, Research Centre for the Humanities, Budapest
Tbor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
Eszterhazy Karoly Catholic University

The idea behind the planned session grew out of a decade-long cooperation between the two organizers and our common interest in re-connecting with both the East-Central European “native” traditions of labour anthropology and the new, global perspectives on labour history.
It is common knowledge today that even though working-class studies enjoyed a privileged status in state socialist Eastern Europe and received distinguished attention and institutional funding from the Communist regimes, the discipline also stood under strict ideological control, which impacted on the actual academic production and the local academic communities. While in the aftermath of “actually existing socialism”, for understandable reasons, the stress has been put on the question of academic control, resistance or collaboration with the Communist regimes, there has also emerged a need to re-read the old ethnographies through a new lens and a new attention to the actual ethnographic work rather than the question of the scale of compliance to the ideological narrative that the “client” state wanted to hear. Labor anthropology had a particularly strong school for instance in Poland, but sociological and ethnographic studies also flourished in countries such as Hungary, where the re-established sociology enjoyed a very high social and academic prestige.
In the 1990s, academic interest in Central and Eastern European labour radically shrank, as the working class was often uncritically associated with the Communist past that both the public and academic communities sought to leave behind. With the transformation of Communist industries, the main losers of the regime changes belonged to the postsocialist working class, who en mass lost their jobs and temporarily or in most cases permanently fell out of the labour market, suffering all the predictable consequences (material and social insecurity, impoverishment, the decline and eventual ghettoization of their living habitats, the disintegration of the old communities and often even the families, the loss of the dignity of work, and the pressing need to redefine their social, gender and personal identities). This nourished a sense of socialist nostalgia, which had an uncanny resonance with the Communist past, rendering labour studies even less attractive for the new, democratically elected governments in East-Central Europe. Unsurprisingly, much of the postsocialist labour anthropology has been written by Western scholars, who brought with themselves not only their academic interest and moral commitment but also novel perspectives and new academic methods.
By now, a new generation of scholars grew up, who were born after the regime changes or only have distant childhood memories of the late socialist period. The old political-ideological fights and Cold War divisions that determined the lives of the older generations are – optimistically – foreby. The kind of global ethnography that Michael Burawoy advocated seems to be a “natural” choice for many researchers, who can cross – or are even pushed to cross – borders.
It is also common knowledge that the globalization of labour has many negative aspects – Western scholars already in the 1990s spoke of the colonization of Eastern European labour. It can be, however, also argued that this colonization has also become global as dire consequences such as the informalization of employment, the weakening of trade unions, gendered poverty, growing material and social insecurity are no longer postsocialist specificities.
Despite all odds, we believe that there is a continuing need to “connect” our ethnographies – both socialist and postsocialist, and the Eastern and Western perspectives. We therefore invite papers which are engaged with working-class ethnographies in Central and Eastern Europe from the end of the Second World War till the present day. We welcome both contemporary case studies or comparative papers and papers, which are engaged with the history of socialist ethnographies. We also welcome studies that examine the everyday life of workers, their life, adaptation, and work strategies, the system of work, workplace and private relationships, and networks from a complex ethnographic, anthropological, and social history perspective.
Studying different regions, scholars from the new generation of global labour historians such as Görkem Akgöz or Leda Papastefanaki proposed to re-focus on the workplace, and they published ground-breaking studies embedded in the factory. A contemporary scholar in East-Central Europe would only see enviously the voluminous literature inside the socialist factory – commissioned by the Communist state. Much has been rightfully said about the Communist misuse of the “working class”. It is, however, also important to re-discover what kind of mirror the contemporary scholars held to the “client” state.

On the Move: Labour, Migration, and Agency of Northern Greek Migrant Workers in 1960s Europe

Authors:

Areti Makri
University of Macedonia
aretimakri@gmail.com
During the 1960s, Northern Greece experienced a significant wave of labour migra-tion to Western Europe, most notably to West Germany. This migration formed part of the broader postwar restructuring of European labour markets, but it also carried profound social, political, and cultural implications. Drawing on archival material from local employment offices and the files of the Directorate of Aliens of the Hel-lenic Police, this paper examines how labour migration was simultaneously managed as an economic necessity and policed as a political risk. Administrative records document the practical dimensions of migration, including unemployment registrations, job placements, travel permits, and statistical surveys of labour flows abroad. These sources reveal the economic and social conditions that led thousands of men and women to seek work in German factories, construction sites, and service sectors, often under temporary and precarious contracts. Alongside this bureaucratic infrastructure, the Greek state deployed intensive mechanisms of political surveillance. Police files contain evidence of monitoring workers’ political reliability, lists of “undesirable” individuals, loyalty certifications, and reports on the activities of Greek political exiles in West Germany and Scandinavia. The archives also highlight migrant political agency. Reports describe demonstra-tions in Munich and Stuttgart, Greek-language publications circulating in Augsburg, and the formation of anti-dictatorial committees after 1967, bringing together workers, students, and exiles. Migrant communities thus became contested spaces where democracy, identity, and belonging were negotiated across borders. Although Greece was not a socialist country, the surveillance and politicization of migrant labour reveal striking parallels with practices in socialist Eastern Europe, where working-class life was simultaneously idealized, studied, and tightly con-trolled. By juxtaposing economic and political records, this paper demonstrates that labour migration from Northern Greece was deeply entangled with Cold War geo-politics, authoritarian state practices, and the everyday strategies of workers navi-gating both opportunity and repression. Migrant labourers emerge not only as sub-jects of economic necessity and political control but also as active agents reshaping work, politics, and transnational solidarity, offering comparative insights for global labour ethnography.
Title: Cuban workers in late Socialist Hungary – the case of the city of Dunaújváros

Authors:

Mónika Szenthe-Varga
University of Public Services
Szente-Varga.Monika@uni-nke.hu
Abstract: The Cuban-Hungarian labour agreement, signed in 1980, resulted in the employment and training of Cuban labour force in Hungary in the decade of the 1980s. Unlike in other Socialist countries, Cuban workers in Hungary tended to be young women, aged between 18 and 26, employed in textile industry. Dunaújváros, one of the Socialist ‘model cities’ of the country, however, formed an exception with respect to the composition and employment of Cubans and will therefore be the focus of this lecture. In Dunaújváros most of the Cuban guestworkers were men and worked for the steelworks. They comprised a mixed group, consisting of, among others, some very young people, with no experience living away from their families or working in a factory, and several veterans of Cuba’s interventions in Ethiopia and Angola. Their integration into the workplace and into the life of the city is examined via this case study, based on local Dunaújváros press, the official daily, Dunaújvárosi Hírlap, and the biweekly newspaper of the Dunai Vasmű, Üst; documents of the National Archive of Hungary on bilateral Cuban-Hungarian relations and of the company Dunai Vasmű, as well as a report of the Fejér County Police Headquarters on the behaviour of Cuban citizens in Fejér County covering the period 1981-1985. Cuban sources would be indispensable for a complete picture, but these are not available at present. Yet even at this stage, the analysis offers insight into issues – often treated in the 1980s as non-existent or ‘temporary’ – such as racism, alcoholism and conflicts with Polish guest workers. The lecture will start with a general introduction on Cuban workers in Hungary (overall numbers, arrivals and departures, composition, working and living conditions) and then focus on those 400 who were employed by Dunai Vasmű between 1981 and 1990.
Adaptation of Ukrainian workers to socio-economic changes in the early 1990s.

Authors:

Roman Masyk
University of Lviv
roman.masyk@lnu.edu.ua
In the early 1990s, one of the most acute problems facing Ukrainian workers was unemployment, which was growing as a result of the economic crisis and the decline in production. Demand for certain professions that had been popular in the USSR declined in the labour market. The authorities tried to partially alleviate the situation through a retraining system: the employment service organised courses after which people received a new speciality. After completing their training, course graduates had to look for work on their own, as the state could not guarantee employment. As a result, approximately 50–60% of the students were able to find employment. One of the common ways of adapting to the new economic conditions of the 1990s was barter. In the early 1990s, wages were often paid not in cash, but in the form of products manufactured by enterprises: shoes, household items, building materials, or even food. Such goods did not always meet daily needs, so people simply went out into the streets to exchange them for more necessary items. This practice was quite common in Ukraine, as entire buildings often engaged in barter, organising the exchange of goods and services among themselves. At the same time, due to delays and incomplete payment of wages, workers sought additional ways to earn money. They often took materials from enterprises and made various goods at home in their free time: clothing, footwear, various household items, etc. The situation for Ukrainian workers began to improve significantly only in the second half of the 1990s, with the end of inflation, the introduction of the hryvnia, and the stabilisation of the labour market. Wages began to be paid on time and in cash.
Enthusiasm and abstention: patterns of worker integration in socialist construction in Nowa Huta and Sztálinváros (1950–1959)

Authors:

Martin Duer
University of Innsbruck
mduer@untref.edu.ar
This paper proposes an investigation focused on the ways in which industrial workers in Poland and Hungary participated in the (re)definition of the socialist construction project of the cities of Nowa Huta and Sztálinváros during the 1950s. Drawing on worker-authored factory and municipal newspapers from Nowa Huta and Sztálinváros, as well as on selected party and municipal records, the study explores the possibility of identifying a systematic pattern of intervention by the factory proletariat based on a co-present duality: enthusiastic participation and passive rejection. It will be argued that the vehement involvement of proletarianized rural migrants in the construction of socialist cities typically coexisted with a reluctance to participate in the instances of factory democracy officially promoted by the communist authorities in the workplace. Adopting the perspective of the laboring masses from this standpoint, it is possible to trace the genesis of the processes of formation of an “otherness,” defined both in functional and political terms, by virtue of the party affiliation of the members of the managerial strata and their consequent subordination to the guidelines coming from Moscow. From this perspective, the refusal to participate in production conferences, factory meetings, and other institutionally instrumentalized forums for deliberation denotes a desire to remain on the margins of a terrain conceived as foreign, an alien enclave located at the productive heart of a socialist modernization project whose authorship and meaning were in dispute. The dual coexistence of forms of energetic participation in the construction of spheres of sociability in the socialist cities and abstention from joining the supposed instances of workers’ power in the factories is revealed in light of these considerations as an expression of the same project of (re)appropriation and (re)definition from below of the promise of modernization that the project of transition to socialism entailed.
‘Hard Work for Light Wages’: Labour Conditions in Hungary’s Post-Socialist Garment Sector

Authors:

Emese Dobor
Regional Research Centre of ELTE, Budapest
dobos.emese@krtk.elte.hu
The garment industry is an exploitative industry, where global lead firms dictate industry conditions, requires a high amount of live labour while providing low wages. During the socialist era, the forced industrialization led to a significant number of employed in garment manufacturing. Hungary - a post-socialist Central and Eastern European country – is deeply embedded into the global value chains. After the regime change, the firms of the sector – both former state-owned and newly established ones – could rely on contract work for mostly Western European countries. While the sector has undergone shrinking, especially after the regime change and in the 2000s, the garment industry is a significant employer in Hungary till today, particularly among women, in rural regions, elders and people with disabilities. In Hungary, the garment industry is a notorious case for a ’hard work for light wages’: while the job requires exactitude and monotonity, it provides salaries below the minimum wage. Meanwhile, employers apply direct and indirect labour controls, such as the piece rate system or even physical and verbal abuse, while there is also a significant amount of informal labour within the sector. The research relies on mixed research methods, such as descriptive and comparative statistics, content analysis of archival and popular press articles and research interviews with local garment industry workers, besides research interviews with both local and foreign experts. While the geographical scope of the research is Hungary, it also applies a global outlook in order to compare the characteristics of garment industry labour in Central-Eastern Europe to both developed and developing countries. The research explores that what are the specific characteristics of post-socialist garment industry labour and challenges whether a differentiation between core, semi-peripheral and peripheral countries make sense, in the context of the global value chains and the globally exploitative nature of the sector.

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 208

20. Guild and artisan labor

Rites, Faith and Misery: The Cultural Dimensions of the Guild Experience

Chair: Velasco, Adrià

adriavelasco@ub.edu

U. Barcelona

Discussants:

Romero, Juanjo
juanjo.romero@ub.edu
U. Barcelona

European guilds were not only concerned with regulating and controlling labour markets – there was a long tradition of religiosity and mutual aid in a variety of historical contexts. In many cases, these phenomena were related through confraternities (pious brotherhoods), while in other cases they were more directly integrated in the guild itself. In this session, we look at some of the more common cultural dimensions of the guild experience based around the issues of religiosity, ritual, mutual aid, and poverty, and how these adapted during times of change. By examining these issues, we see that the guilds were effective mechanisms for providing both physical and spiritual mutual aid, forging a community of practitioners through solidarity and celebration.

ORGANIZERS

von Briesen, Brendan J.
brendan.vonbriesen@ub.edu
U. Barcelona
Grassi, Mario
mariograssi992@gmail.com
U. Padua
Fütüvvetnâmes in Ottoman Literature: Guild Ethics, Spiritual Symbols, and Universal Traditions

Authors:

Özağaç, Mustafa
İstanbul University
mustafa.ozagac@istanbul.edu.tr
In Ottoman literature, a specific genre emerged to regulate the ethical principles and spiritual dimensions of craft guilds: the fütüvvetnâme. This paper focuses on early modern examples of the genre and examines how these texts shaped guild culture. The fütüvvetnâmes sought to maintain the moral integrity of artisan communities by prescribing rules of conduct and principles of honesty, solidarity, and service. While their foundation was explicitly Islamic, they often reflected interpretations that diverged from both mainstream and heterodox traditions, incorporating symbolic elements that resonated with broader, universal motifs. One striking example is the ritual of girding the waist with a sash, which functioned as a rite of initiation. This practice evokes an ancient heritage that can be linked symbolically to the rainbow that appeared when Noah’s Ark reached land. Comparable symbolic practices can also be found in European Masonic traditions. Such parallels suggest that the organizational frameworks of guilds, both in the Islamic world and in Europe, were shaped not only by local religious teachings but also by shared symbols that may have traveled along routes of trade and mobility. By focusing on the fütüvvetnâme as a normative and symbolic text, this study argues that early modern Ottoman guilds were organized not merely as economic institutions but also as ethical and spiritual communities. In this sense, the paper brings the Ottoman experience into dialogue with wider debates on guild-like institutions across Eurasia, highlighting the cultural and symbolic dimensions of artisan labour.
The Confraternity of the Coirari (leatherworkers) in Naples between the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period

Authors:

Gemma Teresa, Colesanti
CNR - ISPC Napoli
ivanaquaranta@cnr.it
This paper analyzes the role and organization of the confraternity of the coirari (leatherworkers) in Naples, from the late Middle Ages to the early modern period. These artisans were concentrated in a specific neighborhood, near Piazza Mercato, a strategic area for their trade, which was divided into arte grossa and arte piccola, depending on the size of the hides being processed. Their influence and their economic and social power are evidenced by the wealth of chapels and altars they were able to sponsor and build in various churches of the neighborhood, including Santa Maria delle Grazie alla Zabatteria, the Chapel of Santa Croce, the church of Santa Caterina in Foro Magno, and the Chapel of Sant’Orsola in the church of Santa Maria del Carmine Maggiore.These religious institutions served as a focal point for the life of the guild, reflecting its strength and its deep integration into the urban fabric. The paper aims to examine the statutes of the confraternities of the coirari, normative sources that are fundamental for understanding the internal regulation of the craft. In particular, the research will focus on provisions concerning women’s work, the participation of foreigners, and the dynamics of marriage arrangements.The goal is to highlight how these institutions went beyond mere economic regulation, playing a crucial role in defining social roles, integrating external members, and maintaining the structures of power and identity of the artisan community. The analysis forms part of the historiographical debate on the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion within guilds.
Guild-Based Welfare and the Early Modern Working Poor: Insights from the North of Italy

Authors:

Lorandi, Giacomo
Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore
giacomo.lorandi@unicatt.it
According to data from the International Labour Organization (ILO), in 2023 the global share of working poor stood at 6.9%. This is a pressing issue today, but it was already relevant in the Ancien Régime. The phenomenon of the working poor—workers whose income was insufficient to sustain themselves and their families—has long historical roots, despite its current global relevance. In early modern Europe, those who were able to work yet remained poor rarely qualified for institutional charity, leaving guilds as their primary source of support. This paper examines guild-based welfare in early modern Italy through the case of the Shoemakers’ Hospital of San Giuliano in Novara (Piedmont). Founded in the early fourteenth century by the shoemakers’ guild and active throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the hospital provided multiple forms of assistance to guild members and their families, but in particular for the poor workers: medical care, credit (as a proto-bank), food distributions, cash subsidies, low-rent housing, and employment for the children and wives of the poor workers. Funded by mandatory guild contributions, this system illustrates how self-managed, identity-based welfare could operate well before the rise of modern state social policies. Drawing on archival sources, the paper reconstructs the identity of the poor worker and the mechanisms of aid, the criteria for eligibility, and the social profile of the beneficiaries. It highlights the interplay between labor, poverty, and collective solidarity, showing how guilds not only regulated trades but also functioned as early social safety nets for urban working populations. By situating the Novara case within the broader European discussion on guild welfare, the contribution sheds light on the role of corporate institutions in mitigating the vulnerabilities of the working poor in early modern cities.
Workhouse and artisan work as a response to poverty: England in the seventeenth century

Authors:

Hernández-Escudero, Mar
Independent researcher
intheukmar@gmail.com
This research studies early modern workhouses from the perspective of those who built, invested, and ruled them in seventeenth-century England. In this sense, this paper analyses several proposals for workhouses published by businessmen and the bourgeoisie – mostly merchants and artisans with ties to the London livery companies – who sought to function as guilds to generate profits and produce skilled labour to help the country recover from the economic crisis. In doing so, I aim to establish links between economic, social and labour history. This paper is set within the context of a rapid and constant increase in poverty in both urban and rural areas of seventeenth-century England. It was then that an even poorer group began to emerge from the meaner types of society: paupers who could not make ends meet despite working, or people who were able to work but could not find a job due to restrictions imposed by guilds and livery companies. The central government established a welfare system that relied on parishes and counties. This system included workhouses to procure employment for able-bodied poor people, parish apprenticeships for children, and to host the unemployed pauper, aged and infirm. Such workhouses were not as successful as expected. Therefore, the Poor Law underwent some changes that affected the management of such institutions, taking the aforementioned proposals of wealthy philanthropists into deep consideration.
Craft guilds and Foundling Women’s Labor in the Early Modern Period: the “Monestir de les Donzelles" of the Hospital de la Santa Creu (16th–17th centuries)

Authors:

Vila i Palacín, Ona
U. Barcelona
onavilapalacin@gmail.com
A serial study of the prenuptial agreements contracted by the foundling women of the Hospital de la Santa Creu reveals that, from the 1580s onward, an innovation took place in the system of social integration of the young women that had prevailed throughout the century: progressively, they would no longer serve as domestic maids outside the Hospital but would remain within the institution as weavers. Indeed, from the 1581 the Hospital’s inventories record a genuine textile workshop, equipped with more than a dozen looms dedicated to the production of linen, wool, and "veta". The present proposal aims to reflect on this unprecedented finding for the study of the foundling women and of the charitable institution. Thus, the processes and actors involved in the creation and functioning of the workshop will be examined, offering a first approach to the phenomenon of the implementation of foundling women’s labor in the Hospital. Particular attention will be given to the relationship between the Hospital, the foundling women, and Barcelona’s guilds, focusing on the institutional and productive integration of the workshop within the legislative framework of the craft corporations. The legal circuit that enabled the establishment of the workshop and the ensuing dialogue—or dispute—between the hospice and the city’s guilds will be investigated through their ordinances, as well as the records of deliberations of the Consell de Cent. In this way, the proposal will contribute to the study of the role of guilds in urban charitable networks through the integration of marginalized young women into the craft corporations.

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 219

13. Speak, Look, Listen! The Cultural

Art and activism towards political consciousness: co-operation and social movements

Chair: Luísa Veloso

luisa.veloso@iscte-iul.pt

Iscte & Cies, University Institut of Lisbon

In this panel we propose to discuss the theoretical, empirical, epistemological and curatorial dimensions of the relation between art and activism. Focused on various artistic manifestations in Portugal, with a particular emphasis on the democratic turn period, April 1974, the four papers aim at contributing to a discussion on, both how different forms of art and collective organisation contribute to political consciousness and how various forms of artistic expression are a cause and a consequence of collective organisation.
The working-class organisation, expression and political fight right before and after April 1974 allows a reflection on the urgency of the research of these forms of artistic expression and collective organisation.
The panel is constituted by 4 presentations that approach cinema, writing, photography and performance along with research aligned in the discussion of co-operation within the working class and its artistic and social manifestations and structures. Portugal is a very interesting case study that called the attention of the international artistic and political community after 1974 revolution; at the same time, manifestations such as militant cinema as a political and social sphere, factories’ occupations as manifestations of social class consciousness, domestic services unions as organisations of defence of the workers’ rights, photography as a tool for political engagement, among others, are transnational dynamics that allow its integration on an fruitful and heuristic debate of international dimension.

ORGANIZERS

Luísa Veloso
luisa.veloso@iscte-iul.pt
Iscte & Cies, University Institut of Lisbon
Mafalda Araújo
mmaraujo@fcsh.unl.pt
CICS.NOVA
The struggle of Applied Magnetics workers, Portugal, 1974-1975: an analysis of the event through cinematographic practices

Authors:

Luísa Veloso
Iscte –University Institute of Lisbon | Centre for Research and Studies in Sociology
luisa.veloso@iscte-iul.pt
Applied Magnetics was a multinational electronics company operating in Portugal at the beginning of the 1970s. During the last years of the Estado Novo dictatorship (1933-1974) and in the democratic transition period (1974-1976), the workers of the companies who settled in Portugal and especially on the outskirts of Lisbon had a very active role in the social movement contesting working conditions and the internal organisation of companies. After the military coup of 25th April, these struggles aimed to extend the revolutionary political movement, which had as its main goal the implementation of democracy. From October 1973, Applied Magnetics experienced several episodes of social struggles and paralysation. In July 1974 the Management of Applied Magnetics announced the first dismissals and the company closed in August. In January 1975, after the unemployment subsidy paid by the Ministry of Work ended, the company was taken over by the workers. The struggle of an ever-smaller group of workers from Applied would continue until the end of 1975. The story of the struggle of the female workers from Applied Magnetics was featured in two films: Applied magnetics – the beginning of a struggle; and Contra as multinacionais. The goal of this paper is both to analyse the role played by militant cinema in the different narratives of social conflict, by confronting various types of discourse – corresponding to various levels of perception of the event and how this last one guides the film – and to stress the role played by women in the struggle and its importance to political consciousness.Luísa Veloso is a sociologist. She is an associate professor at Iscte –University Institute of Lisbon and a researcher at the Centre for Research and Studies in Sociology at the same institution. She is an associate researcher at the Institute of Sociology at the University of Porto. She has conducted research in the fields of arts and culture, work, professions, economics, and education. She has collaborated with several artistic institutions such as the Portuguese Film Archive, the Serralves Foundation, the Sete Anos Association, and Rumo do Fumo. She has several publications, including the co-edition of the books ‘O Trabalho no Ecrã: Memórias e Identidades Sociais Através do Cinema’ (Work on Screen: Memories and Social Identities Through Cinema), published in 2016 by Edições 70, ‘Arts, Sustainability, and Education – ENO Yearbook 2’, published in 2021 by Springer and is co-author of the article, with Frédéric Vidal, published in 2024, ‘Institutional Film and Social Public Policies in Portugal during the Late Authoritarian Regime (1957–1969)’. Film History: An International Journal. 35(3): 58-84.
Deprivatising domesticities: cooperative structures and transnational solidarities in 1970s-80s Portugal

Authors:

Mafalda Araújo
CICS.NOVA (Center for interdisciplinary studies in social sciences at the New University of Lisbon, Portugal)
mmaraujo@fcsh.unl.pt
This presentation builds on the case of a Union that started to lay its foundations during the colonial-fascist regime, against the weight of social, legal, and political segregation that persisted even during the Portuguese revolutionary period (Soeiro, 2024). The Portuguese Domestic Service Union (SSD, 1974–1992) functioned not only as a labor organisation but also as a political educator and a revolutionary organiser. Its ultimate goal was, in its own words, “to foster a class consciousness that would lead workers to reject this work altogether.” This seemingly paradoxical mission—to dismantle the very profession it represented—was paired with a strategic alternative. By and for the working class, the SSD created a “proletarian co-op of domestic services” that both established infrastructures of care and mediated cleaning services. Assuming the epistemological and performative capacity of archives, this presentation curates material that remained in an archival limbo and proposes a visual itinerary that traces how art and activism met through transnational solidarities to spread revolutionary pedagogies and practices of both cooperation and refusal. Performative public demonstrations and workers’ inquiries; the creation of a newsletter; doing political preparation as part of a literacy training (Vieira, 2010); participating in documentary cinema—these were all creative devices constitutive of an in-submissive project that broke away with the domestic and the domesticated. Re/visioning this case today attempts to “release the past from its pastness” (Azoulay, 2019), and to foreground collective imaginaries for alternative models of organising domestic work and care.
Visualising Cooperation: Photography Books and the Labour Movement in Post-Revolutionary Portugal

Authors:

Susana Lourenço Marques
Faculty of Fine Arts of the University of Porto
slmfbaup@gmail.com
This paper examines Portugal Ano Zero – Livros de Fotografia da Revolução, an exhbition/ publication compiling photography books produced in Portugal in the immediate aftermath of the Carnation Revolution (1974–1980). The study focuses on the relationship between cultural production, labour and co-operative movements, exploring how these publications documented, mediated, and represented practices of cooperation, solidarity, and collective action during a period of profound social and political transformation. By analyzing the visual, narrative, and editorial strategies of the books, the paper discusses how photography functioned as a tool for political engagement, reflecting the tensions and aspirations of labour and co-operative movements. Special attention is given to the dissemination and circulation strategies of these books in the international context, which enabled broad cultural and political participation, integrating communities and collectives. The study also considers the role of editors and photographers as mediators between the revolutionary context and the public, highlighting the capacity of co-operative cultural production to consolidate collective memory and foster social debate. Ultimately, the photography books examined are presented as privileged spaces where visual culture and political activism intersect, offering insight into how cultural practices can reinforce labour and co-operative movements.
Terrains of absence (a performance-conference)

Authors:

Tânia Dinis
ESAP and Universidade do Minho
taniasofiadinis@gmail.com
This presentation, delivered in the format of a performance-conference, draws on the works Tão pequeninas, tinham o ar de serem já crescidas and Operariada to reflect on how cultural production makes visible dimensions of women’s work and forms of collective cooperation and resistance that have often been silenced. In the first case, Tânia Dinis combines photographic archives, real images, and oral testimonies from women from Trás-os-Montes, Minho, and Beira who, between the 1940s and 1970s, were sent from rural villages to Porto to work as domestic servants. By linking these memories with documents from the Domestic Service Union, the film constructs a hybrid narrative, between documentary and fiction, which interrogates invisible labor conditions and the denial of childhood. In Operariada, the artist works with former textile workers from Vale do Ave, recovering experiences of exploitation, labor vulnerability, and abuse, as well as forms of resistance that preceded the April 1974 Revolution. SEMPRE – Histórias de Liberdade, conceived as a space for experimentation, intersects personal and collective archives from Vila do Conde to engage with democracy, citizenship, and freedom, mobilizing memory as a cultural practice of cooperation and transmission to new generations. By presenting these works in a performance-conference, the project goes beyond content presentation and actively engages the audience in reflecting on the relationship between culture, memory, and labor movements. The performative format demonstrates the potential of cinema and performance to articulate cooperation, resistance, and solidarity, envisioning a future in which cooperation is rooted as a collective, democratic, and socially transformative practice.

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 207

13. Speak, Look, Listen! The Cultural

Cooperativism, work and visual cultures

Chair: Anna Pellegrino

anna.pellegrino@unibo.it

University of Bologna

This session is dedicated to the discussion of cooperativism, trade union movement and visual culture by addressing cultures of work.

ORGANIZERS

Anna Pellegrino
anna.pellegrino@unibo.it
University of Bologna
Satisfied Cooperators and Rebellious Workers: Contradiction and Complementarity in the Visual Cultures of the Cooperative and Labor Movements

Authors:

Katherine Brion
New College of Florida
kbrion@ncf.edu
Belle Époque French socialist consumer cooperatives generated various forms of visual “propaganda” to celebrate the benefits of cooperative activity, whether photographs of cooperatives and their members, banners bearing cooperative iconography, or the art and decoration of the maisons du peuple (“houses of the people”) established by the most successful of these socialist cooperatives. These latter institutions, which brought together cooperative, trade union, and political activity and provided access to a range of social and cultural amenities, became a key locus and subject of cooperative propaganda, serving as visual manifestations of the power of workers and of socialism. While French socialists were initially wary of cooperation, fearing that its material rewards would depoliticize workers and prolong their oppression, they had come to embrace it as a key source of financial and ideological support. As I will highlight in this paper, comparison of the visual culture of socialist cooperation with that of the broader labor movement nevertheless reveals some contradictions in their approach to propaganda. If the most iconic imagery of the labor movement centered on the concerted, future-oriented action of workers (and sometimes their families) joined together by strike or revolution, practitioners of cooperation were depicted in association with their built accomplishments, notably their maisons du peuple, and in stable, static poses that declared their present triumph. I argue, however, that the similar role played by the figure of Marianne across this imagery—whether as cooperative guide or revolutionary leader—ultimately suggests the complementary rather than conflicting character of these movements.
The Debate over Workers’ Solidarity and its Application on the Trade Union Movement

Authors:

Anna Koumandaraki
Greek Open University
akoumantar@yahoo.gr
The concept of cooperation along with that of solidarity plays an important role on the potential success of a trade union movement. The decline of coproratist form of trade union organization has been viewed by many scholars of labour history as identical with the lack of solidarity among workers that is due partly to the dominance of flexibility on work. The precariat labour has distinctive individualist identity that is said to be incompatible with the collective spirit of trade union movement. My paper attempts to challenge this well established view, suggesting that the emergence of the precariat has changed to a great degree the form of labour organization and has reshaped form of trade union struggle. The emergence of militant trade unions organized by the precarious workers along with the creation of a new culture of labour radicalism may cause a significant impetus in our vision of industrial relations. Based on the study of the precarious workers and trade unions in Greece, (I look particularly the labour movement amongst bank employees, research assistants and couriers) my aim is to figure out the changes that the labour movement of precarious brings in the concepts of cooperation and solidarity amongst the working people. I consider the cooperative and the labour movement as two particularly important variations of the way in which the specific labour culture is expressed and finally I try to make an account of their impetus on industrial relations.
Generational Cultures of Work: Contesting the Decline of the Tradition of Seasonal Agricultural Labor in Selfoss, Iceland

Authors:

Ashley Jun
Independent scholar
ashleyjun40@gmail.com
Since the 19th century, Icelandic children have been sent to rural farms during summer vacation for cultural and educational formation, thus conferring social skills, improving mental health, and providing an opportunity for immersive learning. In recent years, however, this tradition has experienced a decline as children increasingly become involved in urban culture and seek to maximize the impact of leisure time through athletic activities. As a result, a significant proportion of southwest Icelandic youth find themselves in the vanguard of an evolving relationship between labor and intergenerational educational transmission. Although this trend has previously been observed in ethnographic studies of Icelandic work culture, the impact of the decline of the summer farmwork tradition on agriculture-centered families remains undertheorized. This dynamic has recently been observed in Selfoss, Southwest Iceland, a large agricultural region in which this study conducted interviews across multiple generations. Interview questions focused on comparisons of residents’ past and current beliefs regarding agricultural practices, and often gave rise to more free-ranging discussions, which illuminated broader views across Selfoss with respect to culture and work. Interviews with younger residents, in particular, yielded insights into evolving cultural understandings and expectations concerning rapid urbanization and its effects. Strikingly, many respondents exhibited strong reactions when asked about youth involvement in agriculture. Indeed, the tradition of underage farmwork elicited favorable reactions only among families that shared a long history of agricultural enterprise, often across many generations. The more recent shift has correspondingly been perceived with great concern among agriculture-centered families, members of which frequently expressed feelings of futility and helplessness in preserving the declining tradition, citing the rapid urbanization of Iceland as a principal obstacle to resisting change. This paper accordingly argues that the declining intergenerational transmission of the practice of summer work represents an abrupt, contested shift within the Southwest Icelandic culture of labor and education.

15:00–16:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: 205

3. Workplaces: pasts and presents

The Experience of Modern Work: Crises of Space, Transition, and Climate

Chair: Gorkem Akgoz

akgozgorkem@yahoo.com

IISH

Dr hab. Marta Kurkowska-Budzan, Jagiellonian University, Kraków, From Workshop to Archive: Challenges in Documenting Craft Spaces

Bridget Kenny, University of the Witwatersrand, ‘Man, I felt immortal’: Men, labour and skill in Johannesburg lifts (elevators), 1940s to the 1980s

Petra Seitz, Barlett School of Architecture, UCL, Largely unremarkable: Insights on office architecture from a mid-sized, Midwestern American Technology firm

Nico Pizzolato, Middlesex University, London – An Industrial Ecology of Sound: American and Italian Factories as Auditory Battlegrounds

ORGANIZERS

Gorkem Akgoz
akgozgorkem@yahoo.com
IISH

15:00–16:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 210

Key notes, general assembly and special sessions

Round Table. Doing labour history in Europe: institutions, archives, projects, problems and future perspectives

Chair: Leda Papastefanaki

lpapast@uoi.gr

University of Ioannina & IMS/FORTH

Discussants:

Marcel van der Linden
mvl@iisg.nl
International Institute of Social History
Camille Fauroux
camille.fauroux@univ-tlse2.fr
University Toulouse 2 & French Association for the History of the Worlds of Work -AFHMT
Eloisa Betti
eloisa.betti@unipd.it
University of Padua & Italian Society of Labour History-SISLav
Erol Ülker
eulker3@gmail.com
Işık University & Social History Research Foundation of Turkey - TÜSTAV
Tibor Valuch
valuch63@gmail.com
ELTE Center for Social Sciences, Institute of Political Science & Eszterházy Károly Catholic University &amp
Silke Neunsinger
silke.neusinger@arbark.se
Swedish Labour Movement Archives and Library, ARAB

Twelve years after the creation of the ELHN in Amsterdam in October 2013, in the roundtable “Doing labour history in Europe: institutions, archives, projects, problems and future perspectives” scholars from different generations will discuss the present situation and the perspectives of labour history in the European diverse contexts, taking into account national associations and transnational networks.

ORGANIZERS

Leda Papastefanaki
lpapast@uoi.gr
Professor of Economic and Social History. Department of History & Achaelogy, University of Ionnina

16:45–17:15

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: Hall

Coffee Break

Coffee Break

ORGANIZERS

Conference elhn
Conference.BCN.elhn@ub.edu
Unviersitat de Barcelona

16:45–17:15

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: Hall

Coffee Break

Coffee Break

16:45–17:15

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: Hall

Coffee Break

Coffee Break

16:45–17:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 206

2. European Trade Unionism

WG2. European Trade Unionism meeting

WG meeting

16:45–17:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 219

19. Economic and Industrial Democracy

WG19. Economic and Industrial Democracy meeting

WG meeting

16:45–17:45

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: 210

20. Guild and artisan labor

WG20.Guild and artisan labor meeting

WG meeting

17:15–18:45

Tuesday, June 16 (afternoon)

Classroom: Aula Magna

Key notes, general assembly and special sessions

Key Note 1. Paula Rodríguez Modroño. The feminisation of the Platform Economy: Reestructuring Precarities and Inequalities

Few recent developments in labour and employment have attracted as much attention as the expansion of the platform economy. Research has mainly focused on labour platforms intervening in male-dominated industries where formal, regulated employment is the norm, or where platforms are creating altogether new kinds of work. This body of literature argues that the process of platformisation is disrupting the established normalities of wage labour and standard employment, exposing workers to the hyper-commodification of labour. However, the emphasis on the disruptive character of digital platforms overshadows the long and pre-digital history of many crucial elements of platform labour in the present. Contemporary online gig work, which enables workers to work from home, need to be situated within the long history of home-based labour. Moreover, platforms are emerging as important intermediaries in historically highly feminised and informal sectors, characterized by contingent and informal employment relationships that take place in the private sphere.
As labour platforms begin to mediate work in low-wage industries with workforces marked by centuries of economic exclusion based on gender, race, and ethnicity, we can speak of a process of feminisation of the platform economy, not only due to the increased labour market participation of women, but also because of the proliferation of forms of employment historically associated with women.
The gendering of platforms, particularly in the context of platform work, is a burgeoning area of research. Challenging views of platform work as homogeneous, this talk discusses how platforms are restructuring work for different populations of workers and becoming crucial actors in the political economy of migration and social reproduction.

ORGANIZERS

Paula Rodríguez Modroño
prodmod@upo.es
Dpt. of Economics,Quantitative Methods and Economic History, Universidad Pablo Olavide, Sevilla

17:15–18:45

Wednesday, June 17 (afternoon)

Classroom: Aula Magna

Key notes, general assembly and special sessions

Key Note 2. Evelyn Hu-Dehart. Chinese labor migrants and the abolition of African slavery in the Americas: California and Cuba in the second half of the 19th century

Chinese laborers who were recruited to work in the Americas came in the wake of the abolition of slavery in the United States, the British Caribbean (Jamaica, Trinidad, Guyana), the Spanish Caribbean (Cuba), Peru and Brazil.  This lecture examines two case studies: California of the United States continental empire where they came as legally free laborers to open up the American West, and Cuba of the Spanish empire where they came as contract laborers to supplement a dwindling African slave labor force on the sugar plantations.

ORGANIZERS

Evelyn Hu-Dehart
Evelyn_Hu-DeHart@brown.edu
Professor of History, american Studies and Ethnic Studies, Brown University, Providence, USA

17:45–19:00

Thursday, June 18 (afternoon)

Classroom: Aula Magna

Key notes, general assembly and special sessions

General Assembly

General Assembly

ORGANIZERS

General Comittee
llferrer@ub.edu
General Comittee